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A HISTORY 


1 

'I 

\ 


OF THE 

REIGNING FAMILY OF LAHORE, 


WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF 


THE JUMMOO RAJAHS, 

THE SEIK SOLDIERS AND THEIR SIRDARS; 


EDITED BY 

MAJOR G. CARMICHAEL SMYTH, 

THIRD BENGAL LIGHT CAVALRY; 


WITH NOTES ON 


MALCOLM, PRINSEP, LAWRENCE, STEINBACH, 
McGREGOR, AND THE CALCUTTA REVIEW. 



W. THACKER AND CO.—ST. ANDREW’S LIBRARY. 


1847. 














aw 




SANDERS, CONES AND CO., TYPS., 


NO. 7, MISSION IlOW, 


CALCUT T A. 


NOTICE. 


Unforeseen and unavoidable circumstances and the 
great distance from Calcutta at which the Editor has been 
stationed, to whom constant references were made, have 
delayed this work long beyond his exjDectations. 


















TO 


THE MEMORY OF 

MAJOR BROADFOOT, C. B. 

LATE 

AGENT TO THE GOVERNOR GENERAL 

OF 

finJJia 

ON THE NORTH WESTERN FRONTIER, 

THIS BOOK IS 

DEDICATED, 

BECAUSE THE MORAL COURAGE OF HIS COUNSEL 
WAS ONLY TO BE EQUALLED 

BY 

HIS UNDAUNTED CONDUCT 


IN THE FIELD. 



- * 

. I 






PREFACE. 


A Dedication is generally addressed to a great man, 
or some one to whom the author has been placed under 
obligations; it is either as a debt of gratitude, or as a 
loan, which the writer expects will be repaid to him with 
Hebrew interest, most praiseworthy in the first instance, 
most paltry in the second. 

The expressions, flowing from a grateful heart, will ever 
be read with admiration; but the foul flattery of a Para¬ 
site is beneath contempt, and generally as false as it is 
foul. 

My dedication, however, is neither as a debt nor as 
a loan ; and, if the name of one who was great, and 
would have been greater, has been mentioned, it is— 
because he has departed; for, notwithstanding this book 
was undertaken at his suggestion, when we last met 
at Loodiana, still it would never have been presented 
to the living man, though offered now “ to his memory.” 


G. C. S. 






, • 

. 



“ 




CONTENTS. 


Page. 

Introduction .xvn to xxx 

History of Runjeet Sing’s Family . 1 

Early History of Runjeet Sing . 13 


Chap. I. — Secret History of the Lahore Durbar. 24 

II.—The Siege of Lahore by Shere Sing . 42 

III. —Goolaub Sing and Afghanistan. 62 

IV. —Murder of Jewalla Sing and of Ranee Chund 

Kour . 65 

V.—The Assassination of Shere Sing and Dehan Sing 70 

VI.—Punishment of the Murderers. 81 

VII.—Birth and Parentage of Dulleep Sing . 91 

VIII.—The Wuzeerut of Heera Sing. 98 

IX.—The Expedition to Jummoo. 133 

X.—The Murder of Peshora Sing. 141 

XI.—Death of Jewahir Sing. 146 

XII.—Rajah Lall Sing, and the Slave-girl Mungela. 155 

The War with the British. 167 to 184 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 

Pholah Sing, the Akalee. 185 

The Mutiny in Cashmere.*... 193 

Wuzeer Zoroveroo . 198 

The Soodhun Revolt . 205 

Futteh Khan Tewanah . 213 


The Lords of the Hills ;— A Genealogical History of 

the Jummoo Family. 219 to 263 




























VIII 


CONTENTS. 


APPENDIX. 

Sir J. Malcolm’s “ Sketch of the Sikhs”. i 

Prinsep’s Life of Runjeet Sing. v 

The Punjaub Adventurer. viii 

Colonel Steinbach’s Work . xii 

The Medical and Literary Journal for January, 1845. xviii 

The Calcutta Review for August, 1844 . ib. 

The Productions of the Punjaub, and of those Hill States, &c. 

dependant on it. xxii 

Trees and Shrubs. xxv 

Mineralogical Productions . xxvi 

Manufactures of the Punjaub, and in the States dependent 

on it . xxvii 

A List of the different Castes in the Punjaub . ib. 

An Estimate of the Population of different Cities in the 

Punjaub. xxix 

-Districts and Countries of the Punjaub... ib. 

List of Sirdars and Chiefs . xxx 

Abstract, showing the Disposition of the Sikh Army, 1st 

July, 1844 . xxxii 

The Boundary of the Punjaub in 1845 . xxxiii 

A List of the Principal Sirdars and Chiefs in the Punjaub, 
classed according to the Party they were supposed to 

side with after the death of Shere Sing. xxxiv 

The Numerical Force of the Standing Army of the Punjaub 

in 1845 . xxxv 

Officers who have been or are in the Seik Service . xxxvi 

Amount of Revenue or Money paid into the Treasury for 

18 ^4 .xxxvii 

Products and Manufactures.xxxviii 

Articles procurable in the Punjaub at the Stated Prices, Pucca 
Rupees per maund . 


Genealogical Tables and a Map of Lahore. 

























L i S T 


OF 

SUBSCRIBERS. 


Nos. 

Names and Rank. 

Corps. 

No. of 

Copies. 

1 

Abercrombie, J. Lieut. 

Horse Artillery. 

1 

2 

Abbott, J. R. Captain. 

12th Regt. N. I. 

1 

3 

Alexander, C. B. Lieut. Col. 

Horse Artillery. 

1 

4 

Alexander, H. Ensign. 

55th Regt. N. I. 

1 

5 

Angelo, J. Lieut. Colonel . 

3rd Lt. Cavalry. 

L 

6 

A ratoon, Mr. 

Merchant, Loodianab . 

1 

7 

Ashburnliam, C. B. Lieut. Col. .. 

62nd Queen’s. 

J 

8 

Baring, S. D. C. Lieut. 

55th Regt. N. I. 

1 

9 

Baring, E. A. Ensign (Unposted) 

D. D. 51st N. 1. 

1 

10 

Barclay, C. Esq. 

Hallyford, Middlesex . 

1 

11 

Barr, Captain. 

LIorse Artillery. 

L 

12 

Barnwell, Lieut. Colonel. 

H. M. 9th Foot. 

] 

13 

Becher, A. M. Major . 

Assistant Qr. M. General.... 

1 

14 

Becher, J. R. Lieut ... 

Engineers . 

1 

15 

Beller, R. B. Lieut. 

50th Queen’s. 

1 

16 

Belli, W. H., Esq. 

C. S. Calcutta . 

1 

17 

BerriH’s Hotel . 

Allahabad . 

I 

18 

Biddulph, E. Lieut. Colonel .... 

Horse Artillery. 

1 

19 

Birch, R. .1. H. Lieut Colonel- 

.). A. G eneral. 

1 

20 

Rird, W. W. Cornet. 

9th Lancers . 

1 

21 

Blagrave, T. C. Lieut. 

26th Regt. N. I. 

1 

22 

Blake, M. T. Capt. Commanding 

2nd Inf., Sindiah Contg. 

1 

23 

Boileau Ensign, N. C. 

27th Regt. N. I. 

1 

24 

Rodle, G. Lieut. 

II. M. 80th Foot . 

1 

25 

Book Club. 

1st Bengal iiisileers . 

1 

26 

Book Club (Officers). 

2nd Light Infantry . 

1 

27 

Book Club (Officers). 

Horse Artillery. 

J 

28 

Book Club. 

69th Regt. N. I. 

L 

29 

Book Club. 

H. M. 21st Fusileers . 

1 

30 

Book Club. 

29th Regt. N. I. 

I 

31 

Book Club. 

26tli ditto ditto. 

1 

32 

Book Club. 

68th ditto ditto. 

J 

33 

Book Club. 

20th ditto ditto. 

1 

34 

Book Club. 

1st ditto ditto. 

J 

35 

Book Club. 

61stN. I. 

1 

36 

Book Club. 

46th N. I. 

J 

37 

Rook Club. 

Juanpore. 

1 

38 

Book Club. 

Mussoorie . 

J 

39 

Blip’s, H. C. Lieut. 

9th Lancers . 

1 

40 

Britten, C. Captain. 

60tli Rifles. 

1 

41 

Rrown, E. Lieut. 

1st Bengal Fusileers , 

I 

42 

Budd, G. R. Lieut. 

3rd Light Cavalry. 

J 

43 

Bunburv, A. C. Ensign . 

34th Regt. N. I..1. 

1 





















































































44 

45 

46 

47 

48 

49 

50 

51 

52 

53 

54 

55 

56 

57 

58 

59 

60 

61 

62 

63 

64 

65 

66 

67 

68 

69 

70 

71 

72 

73 

74 

75 

76 

77 

78 

79 

80 

81 

82 

83 

84 

85 

86 

87 

88 

89 

90 

91 


o* 

si 

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i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

i 

] 

i 

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i 


LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 


Names and Rank. 


Burke, J. Ensign. 

Butler, J. Major . 

Bunny, A. Lieut . 

Burn, J. Ensign . 

Bruce, R. R. Lieut. 

Byng, E. Lieut. 

Burten, J. A. Lieut. 

Balders, Lieut. Colonel . 

Boxer, B. H. Lieut. 

Cameron, T. M. Lieut. 

Campbell, Lieut. 

Campbell, Sir E. Lieut. Col. 

Canora, Colonel . 

Caley, Lieut Colonel . 

Carnegy, Lieut. Colonel. 

Carmichael, Sir J., Bart. 

Carmichael, C. M. Lieut. Col. .. 
Cheap,Captain M. of B. Neemuch 

Christie, J. Major. 

Christie, MajorE. 

Charde, D. Esq. 

Clarke, Captain. 

Clarke, Mr. S. M. 

Clarke, Stanley, Esq. 

Clifford, B. W. Comet. 

Colquhoun, Dr. 

Cortield, C. Major. 

Coombe, Captain. 

Cortlandt, Lieut. Colonel . 

Cookes, C. H. Lieut. 

Costley, Brigadier. 

Craigie, G. Surgeon. 

Cunningham, J. D. Captain .... 

Cureton, C. B. Lieut. Col. 

Coxen, Captain &. P. M. 

Cullen, W. Major General . 

Davidson, C. T. 

Dawson, J. Ensign . 

Day, E. F. Major. 

De Montmorency, R. E. Lieut. .. 
Dewar, A. C. Capt. Commanding 

Dempster, J. Surgeon. 

Dixen, C. G. Major. 

Douglass, Major . 

Douglass, Captain . 

Drummond, Major . 

Drummond (C. B.) Lieut. Col... 

Dorin, H. A. Lieut. 

Dunlop, J. Lieut . 

Donaldson, A. S. O. Lieut. 

Edwards, H. B. Captain. 

Edwards, W. 

Elliot, A. J. H. Cornet. 

Faithful, R. W. Surgeon. 

Fast, Major General. 

Farquharson, G. Major . 


Corps. 


36tli Regt. Foot. 

3rd Regt. N. I. 

Artillery. 

40th Regt. N. I. 

Horse Artillery. 

A. D. C. 

3rd K. O. Lt. Dragoons .... 
3rd K. O. Lt. Dragoons .... 

H. M. 80th Foot . 

55th Regt. N. I. 

60th Rifles. 

Late 3rd B. L. Cavalry .... 

Seik Service. 

64th Regt. N. I. 

27th Regt. N. I. 

London . 

3rd Lt. Cavalry. 

51st Regt. N. I. 

9tli Irregular Cavalry . 

Artillery. 

Meerut . 

1st Bengal Fusileers . 

Tailor, Meerut . 

Civil Service. 

10th Light Cavalry .. i. 

3rd ditto ditto . 

47th Regt. N. I. 

1st Bengal Fusileers . 

Late H. M. 31st Foot. 

Artillery. 

Barrackpore . 

H. Artillery. 

Engineers. 

Adjt. Genl. Q. Troops. 

66th Rifles. 


Civil Service, Tirhoot. 

1st N. I... 

Horse Artillery. 

60th Rifles. 

1st Cavalry, Sindiah Contg... 

H. M. 21st Fusileers . 

Artillery. 

H. M. 9th Foot. 

60th Rifles. 

3rd Light Cavalry. 

Dy. Q. M. General. 

Commissariat . 

12th Regt. N. I. 

45th ditto ditto. 

1st Bengal Fusileers . 

Under Secretary G. G. 

G. G. Body Guard . 

9th Irregular Cavalry . 

Calcutta. 

8th Regt. N. I. 



















































































































Nos. 

100 

101 

102 

103 

104 

105 

106 

ior 

108 

109 

110 

111 

112 

113 

114 

115 

116 

117 

118 

119 

120 

121 

122 

123 

124 

125 

126 

127 

128 

129 

130 

131 

132 

133 

134 

135 

136 

137 

138 

139 

140 

141 

142 

143 

144 

145 

146 

147 

148 

149 

150 

151 

152 

153 

154 

155 


XI 

1 

1 

l 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

l 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

l 

1 

1 

I 

1 

1 

1 


LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 


Names and Rank. 


Ferris, J H. Captain . 

Fisher, Mrs. 

Follett,Captain(Majorof Brigade) 

Forbes, W. Lieut. 

Forrest, M. S. 0. B. Lieut. 

Forrest, J. H. Captain. 

Frank, Lieut. Col.. 

Fraser, A., C. S. 

Frith, Lieut. 

French, J... 

Fulleron, Lieut. Col. 

Flyter, J. Captain. 

Galloway, A. S. Lieut. 

Galloway, S. C. C. Lieut. 

Garden, Col. Q. M. Genl. 

Gifford, J. Captain . 

Gibbs, J. J. Lieut. 

Gilbert, Sir W. Major General .. 
Gilberts, F. M. D. Lieut & Adjt . 

Gilmore, J. F. Lieut. 

Gorle, J. T. Captain. 

Gordon, P. Major. 

Gough, Lord, C. C. in India .... 

Gough (C. B.) Lieut. Col. 

Gordon, J. Captain. 

Graham, J. Surgeon. 

Graydon, W. Lieut. 

Gray, W. J. Lieut. 

Grey, Sir John K. C. B. Major Genl 

Greville, S. Lieut. 

Grant, (C. B.) Lieut. Col. 

Gubbins, J. P., C. S. 

Gundry, C. B. Lieut. 

Hamilton, C. V. Lieut. 

Handscomb, J. H. Lieut. Col. .. 

Hammersley, H. Cornet. 

Hardinge, Lieut. 

Harvey, F. Esq. Seharunpore .. 

Harvey, Lt. Col. 

Havelock, H. (C. B.) Lieut. Col. . 

Hawkes, Lieut. Col. 

Hardinge, C. S. Esq. 

Herbert, Captain. 

Hissen, E. H. 

Hathem, H. V. Lieut. 

Hopper, A. Q. Captain . 

Hoste, W. D. Lieut. 

Honig Berger, (D. Martin) .... 

Howard, Esq. 

Huish, A. Captain .. 

Hutchinson, W. C. Lieut. 

Hoyden, T. Lieut. 

Hughes, W. T. Lieut. 

Hughes, E. J. Lieut. 

Innis, P. R. 

James, C. P. 


Corps. 


12th ditto ditto . 

Europe . 

Kurrachee . 

27th Regt. N. I.. 
12th ditto ditto . 
11th Hussars ... 
H. M. 16th Foot 


Artillery. 

Indigo Planter, Tirhoot .... 

9th Lancers . 

64th Regt. N. I. 

3rd Light Cavalry. 

10th Foot. 

Head Quarters. 

2nd Grenadiers. 

68th Regt. N. I. 

Comg. Sirhind Div. 

2nd Gren. 

Artillery. 

10th Foot . 

Loodianah. 

Head Quarters. 

H. M. Troops in India .... 

3rd Lt. Cavalry. 

H. Artillery . 

16th Grendiers. 

Artillery. 

Comg. Meerut Div. 

1st Bengal Fusileers . 


Adjt. General . 

12th Regt. N.I. 

45tli Regt. N.I. 

26th Lt. I. 

gth Light Cavalry. 

80th Queen’s. 

Civil Service.. 

52nd N.I. 

Bombay. 

9th Lt. Cavalry. 

Private Secretary. 

9th Light Cavalry. 

56th Queen’s. 

18th Regt. N. I. 

24th ditto N. I. 

55th ditto ditto. 

Seik Service . 

Profr. of Music, Umballa .. 

Artillery. 

Horse Artillery. 

Artillery. 

2nd Irregular Cavalry. 

57th Regt. N.I. 

1st Bengal Fusileers . 

50th Queen’s. 











































































































XII 


LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 


Nos. 


156 

157 

158 

159 

160 
161 
162 
163 
104 

165 

166 

167 

168 

169 

170 

171 

172 

173 

174 

175 

176 

177 

178 

179 

180 
181 
382 

183 

184 

185 

186 

187 

188 

189 

190 

191 

192 

193 

194 

195 

196 

197 

198 

199 

200 
201 
202 

203 

204 

205 
208 

207 

208 

209 

210 
211 


Names and Rank. 


Jameson, W. Dr. 

James, T. Captain . 

Joseph, Mr. Merchant. 

Keer, J. Ensign. 

Keiller, D. C. Captain. 

Kennion, Lieut. 

Kirke, LI. Captain. 

Knowles, Captain. 

Kvroff, Mr., Merchant. 

Lamb, W. Captain, . 

Lawrence, (C. B.) Lieut. Col. .. 

Lawrence, G. St. P. Major. 

La Touche, Brigade Major. 

Lawrell, H. Esq. 

Lambert, G. C. Lieut. 

Lee, E. Lieut.... 

Leeson, J. Major. 

Library . 

Library, (Officers’) . 

Library, Soldiers’. 

Library, Soldiers’. 

Library . 

Library . 

Lindesay, H. Capt. 

Littler, (Sir John) Major Genl.. 

Liptrap, Capt. 

Lindam, C. Lieut. 

Loch, IL. B. Cornet. 

Lovette, Captain. 

Long, Major. 

Loycl, B. P. Lieut. 

Low, A. Major . 

Louther, Civil Service. 

Lugard, E. Major. 

Macdonald, Lieut, and Adjt. 

Macleod, D. J. Ensign. 

Madeod, W. B. Supery. Surgeon. 

Macleod, D. Esq. 

Macdermott, W. Vey. Surgeon.... 

Macgregor, G. H. Major. 

Macgregor, W. L. Surgeon. 1 

Manning, IL. D. Lieut. 

Mainwaring, C. Captain. 

Mackenzie, J. Captain. 

Mackenzie, Colin, Capt. 

Marsh, H. Captain . 

Maginn, Ensign . 

Mande, Lieut. 

Maloney, Surgeon . 

Mess, H. M. 

Mess, H. M. 

Mess, Officers . 

Moore, L. G. Cornet . 

Momet, T. De, Ensign . 

Monteath, T. Brigadier. 

Menteith, W. S. Capt.. 


Corps. 

1 No. of 

Copies. 

Shaharunpore . 

1 

Kotah Contingent . 

1 

Loodianah. 

1 

60th Regt. N. I. 

1 

6th ditto ditto . 

1 

Horse Artillery. 

1 

12th Regt. N. I. 

1 

50tli Queen’s. 

1 

Lahore . 

1 

Major of Brigade. 

4 

Agent, Lahore . 

1 

11th Light Cavalry. 

1 

N usserabad. 

1 

Late 3d Bengal Cav. London 

1 

1st Bengal Fusileers. 

1 

10th Foot . 

2 

2d Irregular Cavalry. 

1 

Kurrachee . 

1 

86th Queen’s. 

1 

86th ditto . 

1 

28th L. Infantry . 

1 

Gwalior Contingent. 

2 

80th Queen’s. 

2 

3rd Light Cavalry. 

1 

Comg. Punjab Div. 

1 

42nd Regt. L. I. 

1 

10th Foot . 

1 

3rd Light Cavalry. 

1 

2Kth Queen’s. 

1 

50th Queen’s. 

1 

Loodianah, Regt. 

1 

Late 16th Lancers. 

1 

Allahabad . 

1 

Head Quarters. 

1 

7th Regt. Sindiah Contingent 

1 

12th ditto N. 1. 

1 

Dacca. 

1 

Tirhoot . 

1 

8th Light Cavalry. 

1 

Artillery. 

1 

1st Bengal Fusileers. 

1 

19th Regt. N. I . 

1 

Commissariat Dept. 

1 

8th Lt. Cavalry. 

1 

Loodiana. 

1 

3rd ditto ditto. 

1 

09th Regt. N. I. 

1 

Artillery. 

1 

50th Queen’s. 

1 

9tli Foot. 

1 

10th ditto. 

1 

8th Regt. N. I. 

1 

3rd ditto Lt. Cavalry. 

1 

68th ditto N. I. 

1 

Comg. at Umballah. 

l 

Brigade Major . 

1 























































































































Nos. 

212 

213 

214 

215 

216 

217 

218 

219 

220 

221 

222 

223 

224 

225 

226 

227 

228 

229 

230 

231 

232 

233 

234 

235 

236 

237 

238 

239 

240 

241 

242 

243 

244 

245 

246 

247 

248 

249 

250 

251 

252 

253 

254 

255 

256 

257 

258 

259 

260 

261 

262 

263 

264 

265 

266 

267 


O 

I !< 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

I 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

o 

1 


LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 



Money, E. K. Lieut. 

Monro, A. Esq. 

Mulcaster, W. E. Capt. 

Muller, E. C. Lieut. 

Murray, B. H. Lieut. 

Napier, Sir Charles, Lt. General.. 

Newton, The Rev. 

Nunn, Major. 

Ogston, Ensign. 

Oldham, J. A. Lieut. 

Ormsby, Captain. 

Palmer, C. O. B. Lieut. 

Palmer, Brigadier. 

Palmer, Captain . 

Parsons, (C. B.) Lieut. Col. 

Paterson, A. H. Lieut. 

Pearson, A. Lieut. 

Polwhele, Major. 

Philips, Vety. Surgeon . 

Phuiket, J. Lieut. 

Prendergast, W. G. Lieut. 

Rajah Malitab Chund, H. H. The 

Renney, G. A. Lieut. 

Reid, B. T. Lieut. 

Reid, A. T. Lieut. Col. 

Riley, A. W. Capt. 

Richardson, R. Lieut. 

Robbins, W. P. Captain. 

Robinson, Lt. Col. Pol. Agent. .. 

Ross, A. H. Capt. 

Rowcroft, Major . 

Russell, E. S. Lieut. 

Russell, W. C. Lieut. 

Rubie, P. Lieut. 

Sale, Lady. 

Salter, Lieut. H. F. Col. 

Salmon . 

Seaton, D. Major,. 

Siddall, J. Vety. Surgeon . 

Sidley, J. H. H. B. Major . 

Sim, George, Lieut . 

Scott, P. G. Lieut. 

Simpson, A. Lieut. 

Skinner, S. 

Smith, (Sir H.) & Major Genl.. 

Smith, Captain. 

Smith, R. A. Lieut. 

Smyth, Carmichael, Captain ..., 

Smith, R. M. Lieut.. 

Snow, T. R. Lieut . 

Stewart, D. Asst. Surgeon. 

Stacy, L. R. Brigadier . 

Studdy, T. B. Captain . 

Sutherland, J. Lieut. Col. 

Swetenham, E. Major. 

Syers, J. D. Lieut. Col . 


Corps. 


Artillery. 

Edinburgh. 

Fort Adjt. Cliunar . 

50th Queen’s. 

43rd Regt. N. I. 

Governor of Sindh . 

Loodianali Mission. 

80th Queen’s. 

34th Regt. N. I. 

86tli Queen’s. 

80th Queen’s. 

1st Bengal Fusileers . 

Delhie. 

60th Rifles. 

Depty. Comry. General .... 

68th Regt. N. I. 

Artillery. 

42nd Regt. Lt. I. 

Saharunpore Stud. 

6th Regt. N. I. 

8th Lt. Cavalry. 

Burdwan. 

Artillery. 

1st Bengal Fusileers. 

12tliBom.N. I. Allan Deffell.. 

80th Queen’s. 

3rd Regt. Lt. Cavalry . 

15th ditto N. I. 

Mewar . 

42nd Lt. I... 

1st Regt. N. I. 

12th Bombay N. I. 

Horse Artillery. 

40th Regt. N. I. 

Europe.. 

11th Light Cavalry . 

60th Rifles. 

1st Bengal Fusileers. 

11th Light Cavalry . 

86th Queen’s. 

Engineers . 

12th Regt. N. I. 

Artillery. 

Delhi . 

Europe. 

9tli Lt. Cavalry. 

19th Regt. N. I. 

H. M. 32d Foot. 

54th N. I., Ferozepore. 

9tli Lt. Cavalry. 

10th Foot . 

Comg. Mewar Field Force.. 

8th Lt. Cavalry. 

2nd Bombay L. C. 

Mussooree. 

59th Regt. N. I. 


















































































































XIV 

Nos 

268 

269 

270 

271 

272 

273 

274 

275 

276 

277 

278 

279 

280 

281 

282 

283 

284 

285 

286 

287 

288 

289 

290 

291 

292 

293 

294 

295 

296 

297 


o 1 

A 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

I 

2 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

l 

1 

1 

1 


LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 


Names and Rank. 

Corps. 

Tabor, J. Captain. 

Taylor, R. G. Lieut. 

Taylor, Ens. with 16tli Grenadr. 
Thackwell, Sir J. Major Genl. .. 
Thorpe, D. B. Clerk Adjt. Genl.. 

Thompson, W. A. Lieut. 

Tombs, H. Lieut. 

Trevelyan, M. Captain. 

Trower, F. C. Lieut. 

Tulloch, C. B. Lieut. 

Templer, H. J. Ensign . 

Tudor, Major . 

Trewlaney, Lieut. Col. 

Tweddell, H. M. Surgeon . 

Vansittart, H. Esq. 

Vincent, Major General. 

Vincent, G. V. Merchant. 

Wallich, G. C. (M. D.) Doctor... 

Ward, G. Cornet . 

Watson, Major General. 

Watt, Major . 

Warburton, It. Capt. Comg. 

Wedderburn, J. Lieut. 

Welman, H. T. Lieut, and Adjt... 
Wood, Lieut. Col. Mily. Secy.... 

Wood, A. Surgeon . 

Wood, A. Captain. 

Wyndham, C. Cornet . 

Wollaston, C. Captain. 

Woodington, H. P. T. Lieut. 

7th Light Cavalry. 

11th Light ditto. 

Dinapoor . 

Comg. Cawnpore Div. 

Office H. M. Troops. 

9th Light Cavalry. 

Artillery. 

60th Rifles. 

9th Lancers . 

12th Regt. N. I. 

6tli ditto ditto . 

46 th ditto ditto. 

Europe . 

Garrison Surgeon, Chunar .. 

Jullender . 

Mussoorie. 

Meerut . 

2nd Irregular Cavalry. 

8th Cavalry. 

Allahabad . 

27th Regt. N. I. 

2nd Comp*Arty. Sindia Contg. 

69th Regt. N. I. 

80th Foot. 

Governor General. 

Artillery. 

29th M., N. I. 

9th Light Cavalry. 

8th ditto ditto . 

21st Fusileers . 































































INTRODUCTION. 


The following* pages have been compiled partly from native 
manuscripts, and partly from information collected from Seik 
Sirdars, and European officers in the Seik service ; hut chiefly 
from the notes of a Captain Gardner of the Seik Artillery, 
who has for several years past supplied important informa¬ 
tion to the British Government without betraying his own,* 
as all the intrigues he brought to light were those of the 
Jummoo family, and their coadjutor the Pundit; and there 
is every reason to believe Captain Gardner could give 
further information, and prove that the Dogra chiefs 
were at the bottom of the Cabul insurrection! An insur¬ 
rection, which, in all probability, never would have taken 
place, had Lord Auckland followed the suggestions of Sir 
William Macnaghten regarding the Punjaub, on the death 
of No Nihal Singh; for then it was the Envoy declared the 
tripartite treaty at an end, as Sheer Sing who had usurped 
the rajh, could not, by the most forced construction, be con¬ 
sidered the posterity of Runjeet Sing; and all those who had 
made themselves acquainted with the History of the Punjaub 
must have been aware of this, as Suda Kour’s attempt to pass 
off the two children (Sheer Sing and Tara Sing) on the Seik 
chief, as the twin sons of her daughter, Metab Kour, is 
stated in Mr. Prinsep’s Life of the old Maharajh; and I might 
bring forward the authority of many others, well informed 
upon the subject, from General Ventura to Mr. Vigne; but it 
is useless discussing this point, for it is as well known that 
Sheer Sing was not the son of the Maharajh, as it is that 


* To give an idea of Captain Gardner’s knowledge of Seik affairs, I may mention 
that Major Lawrence, in writing to me from Katmandoo, observed, “ If I was in 
Broadfoot’s place I should like to have Gardner at my elbow.” 




XVIII 


INTRODUCTION. 


Heera Sing' was tlie Alexis, the delicias domini: I do not 
mean to assert, however, that Dulleep Sing is the offspring 
of the old impotent sinner, but he certainly is his mother’s 
son, and that may give him some small claim to the Guddee.* 
I think it is in Don Juan, Byron says of the Emperor Alex¬ 
ander of Russia, 

44 Oh mighty Alexander, if you be, 

Your mother’s son, that’s quite enough for me 

and had Sheer Sing been the son of Metab Kour, it would have 
been quite enough for the British Government; and Sir William 
Macnaghten would never have asserted that he could not by 
the most forced construction be considered the posterity of 
Runjeet Sing. 

Our connection with the Lahore Government, it is supposed, 
was much the same as our connection with Bhurtpore the 
Rajah was independent, but we were bound to support the 
reigning family, and yet, when Sir David Ochterlony (clarum 
et verierabile nomen) had the moral courage to come for¬ 
ward, and convince the Indian community that even a petty 
Prince might rely on the fulfilment of a Treaty entered into 
with the paramount authority, he was rebuked and disgraced 
by the Members of the Government at the time, with the 
exception (according to his, own statement) of Sir Edward 
Paget 5 for this high-minded man has no paltry feelings ; 
he is as little acquainted with jealousy as with fear, and 
would have been delighted if Sir David Ochterlony had taken 
Bhurtpore, and obtained the Peerage X —but the unjust treat- 


* Dulleep Sing’s mother, Mai Chunda, was not , however, one of Runjeet Sing’s 
wives; he was only married to two women, Metab Kour, the daughter of Suda 
Kour and Mai Nekee, the mother of Kurruck Sing ; and he only performed even 
the Chadardalnawith three women, namely, the two widows of Sahib Sing, of 
Guzerat, and Gool Begum, a Kunchenee of Lahore. 

+ See Agra Guide and Gazetteer. 

t Ochterlony’s military reputation was established, and he had no wish to wade 
through carnage to a Coronet; but on the contrary was a peacemaker , like the 
able and amiable Metcalfe; his letter to Lord Amherst shews he would have 



INTRODUCTION. 


XIX 


ment of the Resident at Delhi may have been borne in mind 
by the Envoy at Lahore.* * The Bhurtpore Usurper after a 
time, however, was deposed, but Sheer Sing was allowed to 
end his days in possession of the rajh. Lord Amherst pluck¬ 
ed up courage after a short time, but Lord Auckland (not¬ 
withstanding his love for legitimacy) remained timid to the 
last, though he refused to acknowledge Sheer Sing until he 
stood in need of his assistance ; so that we may suppose he 
only objected to support a woman’s rule in the Punjaub, having 
himself so completely failed in his attempt to keep an old 
woman on the throne of Cabul. But I believe the real fact 
is, Sheer Sing was considered the Louis Philippe of Lahore, 
“The King of the People,” and the rajh was supposed to 
be as safe in his hands as it had been in old Runjeet’s; 
though, if such was the case, how little did our Government 
know of the intrigues of that arch hypocrite, Dehan Sing’, 
a Sejanus to Runjeet, who merely placed Sheer Sing on the 
guddee to destroy him, knowing he was too ambitious and 
too powerful to be passed over; for there is not the least 
doubt that the Minister and the Prince had arranged matters, 
even before the death of the one-eyed monarch, as Sheer Sing- 
spoke to Colonel Skinner on the subject of his succeeding to 
the guddee, when Lord Auckland and Sir Henry Fane were at 
Ferozepore with the “Army of the Indus,” though Kurruck 
Sing was only a few years his senior, and No Nehal Sing’ 


settled every thing at Bhurtpore without firing a shot!—proving, that as a diplo¬ 
matist, as well as a military man he was superlatively great. Sir David was born at 
Boston, New England, in 1758, so that in 1825 he was only sixty-seven,—younger 
than most of our Indian generals. 

* It appeared to be the wish of the Indian Government to add insult to injury, and 
to forget who had conquered the Nepalese and defended Delhi, while the panic that 
had so often prevailed within the Mahratta ditch was their only excuse for this gross 
piece of ingratitude : indeed they were so much alarmed that they not only ordered 
Sir David not to depose Doorjun Saul, but to prepare to act on the defensive ! which 
even brought a smile on his lips in the midst of his anger. 



XX 


INTRODUCTION. 


was then quite a young’ man.* It was to bring’ forward all 
these facts, that chiefly induced me to undertake this Histo¬ 
ry of the Punjaub ; for since Mr. Prinsep’s u Life of Runjeet 
Sing*,” no work of importance has appeared except Major Law¬ 
rence’s u Punjaub Adventurer,” which, although it gives, gener¬ 
ally speaking-, a very correct account of the Seiks, still, as 
will be seen by the Appendix to this work, it contains a 
few errors, and it was written before all the disgraceful scenes 
of slaughter had taken place, of which I profess to give the true 
version. My work also includes the History of the Dogra 
family and their iniquities, with which but few people are 
acquainted 5 though, after the account given in these pages 
of Goolaub Sing’s atrocities, the public will, I dare say, be 
greatly surprised at the British Government entering into a 
treaty with such a monster;! but, when a political measure 
is to be carried out, I verily believe we would make friends 
with the Old Gentleman himself,—for I have now been twen¬ 
ty-six years in India, and during the whole of my sojourn 
in the East, I have never heard of so infamous a miscreant 
as the Rajah of Jummoo,t though I am acquainted with the 


* The Calcutta Review for August, 1844, states, that Sheer Sing, actually consulted 
with Mr. Clerk regarding his opposing no less a person than Kurruck Sing, the only 
son of the old Maharajh. 

+ It has been generally asserted, that making Goolaub Sing a Maharajh was a 
mockery, and giving him Cashmeer, was in keeping; that the justice of the act and 
the policy were on a par. The “ Rose-water ” Rajah’s life has been spent in the 
enjoyment of very different feasts to “ the feast of Roses,” and he would soon 
reduce “ the sweetest that Earth ever gave” to the state to which Cabul’s hundred 
gardens w r ere reduced by our “ Incendiary Generals, ” as Lord Brougham called 
them. 

•v 

All those who have heard, and “ oh! who has not heard of the Vale of Cash¬ 
meer,” must have observed that every traveller who has visited that place since 
it fell into the hands of Runjeet Sing, has heard the unfortunate inhabitants cry 
out against the oppression of the Seik chieftain, and now their falling into the 
power of Goolaub Sing is like escaping from Scylla into Charybdis. 

4 See “ Punjaub Adventurer ,” Chap. XIII. p. 75, Note 1 at.—** Goolaub Sing is the 
elder brother, and, in the family pact, he has charge of their conquered territories 
in the hills: while he manages those of Dhyan Sing, he yearly adds to his 



INTRODUCTION. 


XXI 


evil deeds of sucli wretches as Kam Ran and Yar Mahomed, 
his Vizier, with whom the British Government, to their cost, 
at one time, were connected. 

Regarding’ the Punjaub war; I am neither of opinion, 
that the Seiks made an unprovoked attack, nor that we have 
acted towards them with great forbearance ; my opinion is, 
that we should, as the paramount authority, long ago have 
adopted coercive measures with the Seiks, and have assumed 
what kings call u a commanding attitude,”* but if this poli¬ 
cy was disapproved of, no half measures should have been 
pursued, no middle course should have been taken; for, if 
the Seiks were to be considered entirely an independent 


own by conquest, or by the terror of his name. He has overrun the whole district 
between Kashmeer and Attok ; and inflicted such terrible vengeance on the people 
of Sudan, (a large district south-east of Mozaffarabad,) cutting up, maiming, flaying 
to the amount, is is said, of twelve thousand persons, that the men of Dundi 
and Satti, two adjoining territories, sent in their submission, but begged not to 
see his face. Of course, the brothers must unite in this barbarous policy, though 
it is difficult to believe such horrors of either, seeing their mild and winning 
demeanor. They are alike too in their boundless ambition and fathomless 
duplicity; as wary as they are daring, as little disposed to use force where 
cunning will succeed, as they are unscrupulous in the employment of violent 
measures where such seem called for. Of Gulab Singh I have heard tales which 
I can hardly believe myself, and therefore, will not task my reader’s credence 
with. His information, like that of his brother, is considerable; and though not 
a very accurate geographer, nor with clear ideas as to the direction in which his 
lieutenant, Zorawar Sing, went to push his conquests, he has a good estimate of 
the wealth and products of China, as well as of Europe. In manner, Gulab Singh 
is highly mild and affable: his features are good, nose aquiline, and expression 
pleasing, though rather heavy. Indefatigable in business, he sees after every thing 
himself; hardly able to sign his name, he looks after his own accounts, and often 
has the very gram for his horses weighed out before him. Since the death of Runjit 
Singh, the Rajah has been in bad odour with the durbar, for holding out against 
the present monarch ; and with the army, from the numbers killed in his famous 
defence of the Suman-burj, in the commencement of 1841, as well as from the 
summary punishment inflicted on the mutineers in Kashmir. Both Gulab Sing and 
his brother are, therefore, always surrounded by regiments of their own Dogur clan, 
who serve them in fear and trembling, having their families in the Rajah’s hands, 
and knowing that any dereliction from duty would entail torture on them.” 

* Surely after having deposed Dost Mahomed merely because Captain Vickoviteh 
paid him a visit, wc need not have stood upon such ceremony with the Seiks. 



XXII 


INTRODUCTION. 



* I 
• • 

state, in no way answerable to us, we should not have pro¬ 
voked them !—for to assert that the bridge of boats brought 
from Bombay, was not a causa belli , but merely a defen¬ 
sive measure is absurd; besides, the Seiks had translations 
of Sir Charles Napier’s speech, (as it appeared in the Delhi 
Gazette *) stating that we were going to war with them; 
and, as all European powers would have done under such 
circumstances, the Seiks thought it as well to be first in the 
field. Moreover, they were not encamped in our territo¬ 
ry, but their own; and, although the second article of the 
treaty of 1809 states, u the Rajah will never maintain in 
“ the territory, which he occupies on the left bank of the 
“ Sutlej, more troops than are necessary for the internal 
“ duties,” still the third article states, a in the event of 
“ a violation of any of the preceding articles, or of a de- 
“ parture from the rules of friendship on the part of either 
“ state, the treaty shall be considered as null and void.” 

We have been told that the Seiks violated the treaty, by 
crossing the river with their army ; but the question is. 
Was not the treaty null and void when they crossed? To 
expect a native power to make a regular declaration of war 
is too ridiculous; and I only ask, had we not departed from 
the rules of friendship first? The year before the war 
broke out, we kept the island between Ferozepore and the 
Punjaub, though it belonged to the Seiks, owing to the deep 
water being between us and the island.f 

We either had or we had not a treaty with the Seiks; 


* “ If they (the robber tribes of Scinde>were allowed to remain undisturbed while 
Scinde was quiet, they would become turbulent and troublesome when the British 
Army was called on to move into the Punjaub.” 

+ “ Claims to islands in rivers between two Manors, and to alluvion are determin¬ 
ed by what is called the ‘ Kuchmuch ’ or * Kishtie bunna,’ which practice or rule 
assigns the land to the proprietor of the ‘ bank or main,’ upon which the alluvion 
is thrown, and from which the water has receded.”—Print's Life of Runjeet, 
p. 203. 



INTRODUCTION. 


XXIII 


my opinion is that we had none, and I have heard one high 
in the political department on the north western frontier 
state, that no treaty existed with the new Government. If 
then no treaty existed how can we call the Seiks the break¬ 
ers of treaties? But if on the other hand the treaty of 
1809 is said to have been binding between the two Govern¬ 
ments, then the simple question is, who first departed from 
the “ rules of friendship ? ” I am decidedly of opinion that 
we did; but as I am also of opinion that no treaty existed, 
I think, as I have before said, we ought long ago to have 
adopted coercive measures with the Seiks 5 and the reason 
assigned for our not doing so, “the helpless state of the 
young Maharajh,”* won’t exactly go down with the public. 
The real cause must be apparent to all, and it was this, 
“ what will they say at home if we interfere with the Seiks ?” 
This “ what will they say at home,” is the great bugbear 
in the present day ; and we certainly should not have been 
in India now, if Lord Wellesley had troubled his head about 
what they would say at home. 

With the Seiks for several years past, in fact ever since 
the death of Runjeet Sing, we have been playing the fable 
of the “ Shepherd Boy and the Wolf.” The Papers and the 
Politicals had constantly been crying out “ The Seiks are 
coming l” until at last we would not believe them,* con¬ 
sequently the Seiks came, and we were, as events proved, 
quite unprepared to receive them. And yet, surely, defensive 
measures might have been adopted, and every thing might 
have been ready at Umballa, if not at Ferozepore, without 
disturbing the “ perpetual friendship,” which, I suppose, it was 
expected would last, like Paddy’s love, “to the end of the 


* “ He (the Governor General) has shown on every occasion the utmost forbear¬ 
ance from consideration to the helpless state of the infant Maharajh, Dulleep Sing, 
whom the British Government had recognised as the successor to the late Maha¬ 
rajh, Shore Sing .”—Proclamated 13 Ih December , 1845. 



XXIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


world, and after 0 ! ” However, I don’t stand forward myself as 
one of the “ prophets of the past ” and say, “ I told you so 
hut on the contrary, am willing- to confess I never thought for 
a moment the Seiks would have crossed the River, though 
Captain Gardner always informed me that they would; hut 
when I mentioned this to one who it was said knew them well, 
he wrote me word, they were not quite such fools as to think 
of that. However, few people appear to have known them; 
they were generally described as boasters and cowards; but we 
at last discovered (what I never suspected) that they were brave 
men and good Soldiers,* though like many other fine troops , 
they were sadly in want of good Generals ; and never before did 
two armies so singularly prove the truth of Sir Charles Napier’s 
assertion that “ War is a series of blunders ! ” 

The first great fault the Seiks committed was in not at¬ 
tacking Ferozepore and destroying that place; and when 
Runjoor Sipg found he was allowed quietly to cross the 
Sutlej near Loodiana—turn our right flank—and get. 
in our rear,f he ought certainly to have marched direct upon 
Delhi instead of entrenching himself, first at Buddawal, and 


* A great deal has been said of the gallant bearing of Moreau (the “Arch Traitor,” 
as Ilazlitt called him) when he lost both his legs at the Battle of Dresden, where he 
was engaged with the allied powers against France; but I doubt much if the 
General bore his misfortune with the stoic courage of a Seik Sergeant, who had both 
his legs taken off by a round shot at the Battle of Aliwal! I conversed with him 
lor about ten minutes, during which period not a muscle of his countenance indi¬ 
cated that he was in pain ; and he spoke out boldly, like a Spartan, smiling at the 
idea when I told him one of our Surgeons would save his life, and remarking, he had 
no wish to live without his legs: he then asked for water, and, after washing his face, 
gave a silver ring with a ruby in it to the water carrier, and requested some 
of the men of II. M.’s 31st, who were standing by, to put an end to him with their 
bayonets. He was a fine, handsome looking man, between 50 and 60 years of age, 
with a grey beard covering his chest. 

t Had General Grey been permitted to march when he was first ordered, he might 
have been present at Ferozshah or at Moodkee, and would have superceded the 
necessity of bringing Brigadier Wheeler’s force away from Loodiana ; or, had Gene¬ 
ral Grey been ordered to Loodiana when he did march, he would have prevented 
llanjoor Sing from crossing the River. 



INTRODUCTION. 


XXV 


afterwards on the banks of the river; his Cavalry might have 
laid waste the country, and his army would have increased 
like a snow-ball, and easily have got possession of a portion of 
the siege-train, which was on the road without proper ammu¬ 
nition, and unprotected.* 

But while we had a contempt for the Seiks, it is evident the 
native army had a great idea of their prowess; it was, therefore, 
most fortunate that with this army there was a large body 
of Europeans; for, after the war was over, a Foreign officer in 
the Seik service observed to a friend of mine, “ If it had not 
“ been for your European soldiers, we would have driven 
tc you from Ferozepore into the sea 5 ”—and I must confess, 
I could only painfully acknowledge to myself, the truth of 
his remark; for, as it was, the troops under their excellencies 
Sir Hugh Gough and Sir Henry Hardinge had hut dearly 
gained a victory over a portion of the Seik army when Sir John 
Littler came to their rescue!—and, after his arrival, from 
all that I can learn, the Europeans had almost formed 
as high an opinion of the Seik soldiers as the natives; 
and it was long undecided whether we were to be the 
victors or the vanquished. The 62nd affair now must 
ever remain a mystery, and though no excuse can be 
made for the military faults of Colonel Reid, some credit 
may be given to him in coming forward to sacrifice himself, 
for the honour of his regiment, he having acknowledged 
that he ordered the retreat, when General Littler was pre¬ 
sent who had ordered the advance. He had every reason 
to expect he would be brought to a Court Martial for such 
“ culpable conduct,” as the Commander-in-Chief himself 
termed it.f However, it must be acknowledged after all 


* It was most fortunate for the poor Recruits who accompanied the siege-train 
that it was not attacked because they must have been sacrified to a man, as they 
could only have fought like the Irishman at Donnybrook Fair, who declared that he 
had nothing in his hand but his fist ! 

t General Littler certainly shewed great forbearance in not placing Colonel Reid 





XXVI 


INTRODUCTION. 


the Seiks were but a contemptible enemy, as all troops 
must be who are without discipline and without leaders: 
and therefore had we only conducted thing’s properly, and 
received proper information, we should, as Count Edward de 
Warren expected, have terminated their existence in a single 
action. 

Their Artillery certainly did great execution, and from 
their strength in this arm, and from the way the Khalsa 
troops fought, and even their Hindostanee sepoys, of whom 
only six came over to our camp, notwithstanding every attempt 
we made to induce them to desert.* * It must be seen that our 


under an arrest, as soon as he became aware of his “culpable conduct:” but 
whether he acted right, in a military point of view, or wanted the moral courage, is 
another question. 

* Ilindostance Proclamation—'“ Whereas the English Government is anxious to 
reward the bravery and fidelity of the Poorbeas, by raising a Regiment of them— 
it is hereby proclaimed, that any non-commissioned officer or soldier of the 
Lahore Government who shall present himself before Ilis Excellency the 
Governor General, shall be immediately rewarded with the accustomed liberality, 
and shall have the benefit of invalid pension; and, if engaged in a law suit in a 
British court of justice, his case shall be immediately decided before any other. 
In fact, every opportunity of favour and clierishment shall at all times be 
kept in sight by the Government. However, it is reported that Tej Sing has 
given out, that if any sepoys of the Lahore army go over for service to the English 
"Government, the officers of this Government will cut off their noses and ears and 
kill them. This is altogether an infamous falsehood—for the customs of this 
Government were never of such a description, and never will be—therefore let 
such a falsehood not enter their head; but let them feel assured that if they come 
here they will be well rewarded.” 

(A true Translation.) H. MARSH, Bt. Captain , 

Interpreter and Quarter Master, 3 d Cavalry. 

Alter this proclamation, however, a Serjeant of the Seik Artillery, who was I 
believe the first to come over, and who was taken to Colonel Havelock, Persian 
Interpreter to the Comraander-in-Chief, and sent also to the Under Secretary 
to Government—got nothing! !! and 1 had to feed him and clothe him at my own 
expense; and it was merely owing to the kindness of Major Lawrence, who at 
the time had other business to attend to, that the man at last got into one of 
the new Regiments as a corporal : his name is Mahomet Alii, he is or was in 
Mr. Edwards’ Ferozepore Regiment, and, being a smart fellow, can tell his own 
story. 



INTRODUCTION. 


XXVII 


Cabul expedition was far more quixotic than ever it was supposed 
to be; for had the Jummoo Rajah only combined with “ the 
Wallace of Cabul,”* which it is well known he intended doing-, 
if the Affg-han troops could have checked the advance of 
General Pollock, for Goolaub Sing- was too knowing to 
think of attacking the British until they were repulsed. 
Had such an event, however, taken place, it is quite evident 
that Pollock, attacked in front and rear, must have been 
destroyed with his whole army ; and Dehan Sing, with the 
army at Lahore, would have been too much for the force 
under Sir Jasper Nicolls; and without the special interfer¬ 
ence of Providence, the Seiks would even have destroyed “ the 
Army of Reserve,” though headed by “ the Brumegem Na¬ 
poleon” himself. But weak as we were in undertaking the 
Affglian campaign, we were not quite so weak as we were 
wicked. The war was not so impolitic as improper, and the 
hope of being able to reinstate Shah Soojali was certainly 
not quite so absurd, as to expect that the rajh of Runjeet 
Sing would last. 

Major Lawrence said it would end with the “ old Lion,” 
as the Maharajah has been called; though, perhaps Mr. 
Thackeray’s appellation of “ the old Robber” would be more 
correct. 

In the “ Punjaub Adventurer ” Dehan Sing is made to 
speak like Cassandra, and foretell the destruction of the 
rajh, and all the bloodshed that ensued. 

What a country the Punjaub was then to have between 


* Of all the names that have been applied to Ukbar Khan, Mr. Roebuck’s ap¬ 
pellation of “ the Wallace of Cabul ” was the most happy; for, be it remembered, that 
although the Scotch Hero was a Christian, and a much better educated man than the 
Cabul chief, even he commenced his career as a murderer; and I have never read 
that he repented of the deed; yet I believe to this day it is the opinion of the best 
informed, that to secure the person of the Envoy, was the extent of the treachery 
intended by the Dooranee Patriot. 




XXVIII 


INTRODUCTION. 


us and Cabul! What a nation to form an alliance with,— 
who were on tlie brink of a revolution, and whose Govern¬ 
ment depended on the life of a decrepit debauchee ! 

How could we look to such people for support ? 

How could we expect succour from the Seiks ? 

Regarding this nation, I observe in Frazer's Magazine for 
April, 1846, some account of their rise and progress ; and 
the writer, I perceive, has not only followed the erroneous 
statements in Major Lawrence’s book, and Colonel Stein- 
bach’s, for the death of No Nehal Sing, but has taken 
quite a false view of the cause of Sheer Sing’s death ! He 
says, “ The refusal of Sheer Sing to fall upon the rear of 
General Pollock’s army, and cut off its convoys, cost that 
individual his life.” Now the Sirdar who put Sheer Sing to 
death,—and it must be remembered that he was not em¬ 
ployed by Dehan Sing, but, on the contrary, proposed the 
thing himself to the minister, and made all the arrange¬ 
ments !—this very Sirdar, so far from wishing Sheer Sing 
to fall upon the rear of General Pollock’s army, gave infor¬ 
mation to the British Government, that such was the intention 
of Rajah Goolaub Sing ! I happen to be aware of this, as 
Ajeet Sing sent a confidential servant of his own to me at 
Kurnaul, to inform me that the Sirdar had received intelli¬ 
gence from Peshawar of the greatest importance; and also 
to let me know he was anxious I should communicate the 
same to Mr. Clerk, with whom, he was aware, I was intimate¬ 
ly acquainted. I replied, that if it was of such consequence, I 
thought it would be much better for the Sirdar to give his 
information to the magistrate, who would then write a public 
letter to Mr. Clerk upon the subject. The Sirdar objected, 
however, to make his appearance at the house of the magis¬ 
trate ; but, when I proposed that Mr. Woodcock should come 
to my house, he agreed, and there gave the evidence I have 
stated, which Mr. Woodcock communicated to Mr. Clerk; 


INTRODUCTION, 


XXIX 


and vvlien Ajeet Sing* took leave of me, not long* after this, 
I am convinced he had fully made up his mind to take 
his “ wild justice,” as Lord Bacon calls it, for he observed, 
u Lord Sahib liooch lieeah nuheen , lekin hum be hooch hurringa” 
“ The Lord Sahib has done nothing , but I will do some¬ 
thing” and had it not been for his too hasty proceeding*, fie 
would, in all probability, have been minister at Lahore ; but 
though he had enough of the cunning, he had not the courage 
of his uncle, Bhood Sing, to carry him through his daring- 
intentions.* But the writer in Fraser’s Magazine has fallen 
into a third error, when stating, u No Nehal Sing’s death was 
announced to the minister$” for it so happened, it was the 
minister who announced the young Maharajah’s death to the 
people; he, and he only having witnessed the last moments 
of his expiring* Prince, refusing admittance even to his mo¬ 
ther, and pushing aside Lena Sing Majeeteea, and some 
others of the chief Sirdars who were anxious to see what 
injury their sovereign had sustained. From that moment 
every thing became a mystery, and the real cause of the 
Maharajah’s death was only known to the minister and his 
Maker ; and scarcely was his death made known to the public 
ere Sheer Sing arrived, post haste, at the capital, an express 
having been sent off for him by Dehan Sing; but the 
Chief Sirdars declared they would not allow the son of a 
Washerman to sit on the throne of Bunjeet; and Chund 
Kour claimed the rajh as her right according to the Seik 
custom. I am not aware that No Nehal Sing’s widow was 
mentioned at the time, though she certainly was 1 enciente,’\ 

* Runjeet himself, I have been informed, was even afraid of Bhood Sing, who was 
not killed at Peshawar, as stated in the Calcutta Review, but died at Lahore, report 
says, of the cholera morbus, though his family declare that he was poisoned by the 
Dogra faction. 

+ It was reported to our Politicals that Chund Kour was the lady in this state, but 
if so, what reason could there be for her concealing it 1 and why declare it was her 
son’s widow ? as the child of either would have been the heir of Kurruck Sing; and 
of course, Chund Kour’s power would have been greater as mother than as grand¬ 
mother !!! 



XXX 


INTRODUCTION. 


as I ascertained from Colonels Mouton and Lafont; and 
from Colonel Skinner who always had the best information,* 
and from many natives at Lahore; I learnt that she had a 
still-born male child soon after Sheer Sing* succeeded to the 
guddee, the fact, however, is of little importance. 

I have now only to apologise to my subscribers for the 
great delay that has taken place in bringing this History 
to a close; and yet it is not by any means so complete as 
I could wish, and had intended to make it, for having been 
requested by Major Lawrence, when at Lahore, to send him 
a portion of the work, I did so, on my return to Meerut, 
the first week in May, hut owing to that officer’s being 
constantly on the move, having great press of business, and 
also suffering from ill-health, the papers were not returned 
to me until the end of September; and, having previously 
despatched several manuscripts to England, had I forwarded 
the remainder of the work there, or recalled what I had 
despatched, my subscribers would not have received their 
copies for the next twelve months : I trust, therefore, I shall be 
pardoned for sending forth this work so imperfect; and though 
it was at Major Broadfoot’s recommendation, as I have already 
stated, that I first thought seriously of undertaking the task, 
I ought here to mention, that it had been previously sug¬ 
gested to me by my much valued and high gifted friend, 
Dr. Archibald Gordon, who, I am confident (knowing the 
great opinion entertained of him by Mr. Clerk,) had he 
remained in the Political Department, would have succeeded 
to the appointment of Envoy at Lahore. 

G. C. S. * 

Jullunderj 5th January , 1847. 


* When I sent Mr. Clerk an account of the death of my ever to he lamented 
friend, in answering me he observed:— 

“ Poor Skinner! No man knew the natives and every thing that took place at their 
“ Courts, and their feelings towards us, so well as he did: we have no Secunder now." 







Itli 1 r re/? / . rL ass 14. n /£< *<* 


REFERENCES. 


REFERENCES 


. Summum Boorj. 

. Khan Byaa. 

. Motlia Munda. 

. Foundery where Behan Sing ivas hilled. 
. Delian Sing Barra Deree. 

. Akbar Meehul. 

. Jeelian Geree ditto. 

Shah Jehan ditto. 

. Gate to the Summum Boorj. 

Buggywalla Dondy. 

Gate where No Nehal was killed. 

Marble Barra Deree. 

Tombs of Bunjeet, Kurruck and No 
Nelial. 

Gateway to the Palace. 

Outer Gateway from Roslmnee Gate. 
Nullah where No Nehal bathed. 

A half dry Trench or Ditch, kutcha. 

E. Gate of Fort, or outer part of the 
Gurriallee. 

Khooshal Sing’s and Tej Sing’s Houses. 
Hazooree Gate. 

Gate to the Badshai Musjit. 


22. Badshai Musjit. 

23. Moree Gate or Wicket. 

24. Turksalee Gate. 

25. Halfmoon Battery. 

26. Ditto ditto. 

27. Shah Boorj. 

28. Buttee Gate . 

29. Moree ditto. 

30. Looharree Gate. 

31. Half moon Battery. 

32. Shah Alumee Gate. 

33. Moochee ditto. 

34. Akbaree Gate. 

35. Delhi ditto. 

36. Yakkee ditto. 

37. Halfmoon Battery. 

38. /i hidderee or Sliere ka Durwaza. 

39. Cashmere Gate. 

40. Musthee ditto. 

41. Anar Kullee Nullah. 

42. Anar Kullee. 

43. Rajah Delian and Suchet Sing's Houses. 

44. Kholali Boorj. 



















































HISTORY 


OP 

RUNJEET SING’S FAMILY. 


About the year of Christ 1470, lived a Hindoo Jat of the 
Varaich caste, named Kauloo. His family had for three 
generations dwelt at the village of Pundee Buttee, otherwise 
called Butt, forty or fifty miles south-west of Lahore; whence 
Kauloo, who was born and continued to reside there for some time, 
was generally styled Kauloo Buttee. The people of his native 
village were notorious for their wild and predatory habits; but 
Kauloo is said to have been a peaceable man, working hard for 
an honest livelihood. Having, while yet at an early age, had 
some quarrel with his friends at Buttee, he took with him his 
wife, and wandering away from the village and the low country, 
after some time settled at the small village of Sanseree, near 
Rajah Sansee, the present patrimonial jaghire of the Scinda- 
walla family, and lying about four or five coss west of Um- 
ritsir. This place was the resort of hordes of Sansees, a 
wandering race of low caste, noted for their addiction to plunder, 
and moving about in parties of from one hundred to a thousand, 
dwelling in tents or huts made of reeds. Here however the 
self-exiled Kauloo dwelt safely, though surrounded by these 
Sansee bands. It happened on a time, that his wife, then far 
advanced in pregnancy, had occasion to go to some distance 
from home, and on her return, being suddenly seized with the 
pains of labour, was forced to take refuge in a Sansee tent. 
Here she gave birth to a son, and being kindly and hospitably 
treated by the Sansees, did not return to her home in the village 

B 



2 


HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING S FAMILY. 


until the end of forty days. The child she bore was considered 
by the Sansees as an adopted son of their race, and though he 
was named Jaddoo Maun Buttee, they gave him the designa¬ 
tion of J addoo Sansee, by which he was generally known to his 
dying day. This is the commonly received account of the way 
in which Jaddoo received the cognomen of Sansee ; but Scan¬ 
dal whispers another tale, to the effect that he had a still 
better claim to the appellation, as being really the son of one of 
the tribe, and not of the simple Kauloo his reputed father. 

About the year 1476, Kauloo, with his wife and only child, 
removed from Sanseree to the small village of Sund (afterwards 
called Sceende,) about a coss and a half from Drownkell, and 
about four coss from Wuzeerabad. Here Kauloo died, some¬ 
time about the year 1488. His reputed son Jaddoo Maun, 
born in a Sansee camp, brought up in intimate acquain¬ 
tance with the tribe, and feeling a predilection for their 
mode of life, generally resided among these people and 
often accompanied them on their predatory excursions. In 
one of these he was killed, about the year 1516, leaving 
behind him an only son named Galeb or Gauleb, afterwards 
nick-named Munnoo, from the large droves of cattle which 
he used to drive away- as his booty from the banks of the 
Jhelum and Chinaub across the Ravee towards Lahore and 
the Manjha country, where he generally disposed of his 
plunder. This Gauleb, though probably a Yeraich by caste, thus 
headed a gang of plundering Sansees, until about the year 1549, 
when he died at Sund, or Sceende, of wounds received in 
one of his predatory excursions. 

He left a son named Kiddoh, who being a man of quiet and 
steady habits and a peaceable disposition, removed from Sceende 
with some cattle, the only property left him by his father, first 
to the village of Keallee, and afterwards, about the year 1555, 
to Sukerchuck, then a very small village, one and a half 
coss south of the present Gujerawalla. Here by perseverance 


HISTORY OF RUNJEET SINGES FAMILY. 


3 


and industry, he, after some time, obtained possession of several 
small plots of ground, by the cultivation of which he maintain¬ 
ed himself and his family. This is supposed to be the 
person who is called by the people of the country and by 
the Sansees, Ramthull, i. e. a person devoted to God, otherwise 
a good and peaceable man. Kiddoh died about the year 1578, 
leaving two sons, Rajadah and Prenoo. Rajadah having learned 
to read and write, Goormuckka or Loondee, not only pursued 
the labours of the field but kept a small shop in Sukerchuck; 
and is said even to have travelled about the neighbouring 
country selling salt, tobacco, &c. &c. This Rajadah died about 
1620, leaving three sons, Thelloo, Thuckt, (otherwise Thuckt 
Mull,) and Neeloo. Thelloo and Neeloo were killed together in 
a fray near their own village while yet but lads. Thuckt 
Mull, however, lived to extend the small estate left by his 
father, and likewise scraped together a small fortune by shop¬ 
keeping and money-lending. He also purchased the leases of 
many small plots of ground about Sukerchuck and Keallee, 
and must thus have become a man of some influence and impor¬ 
tance in the neighbourhood. He died about 1653, leaving two 
sons, Boloo and Bara, afterwards called from his fanatical dis¬ 
position Bii Bara. Boloo at the age of nine or ten left his 
home, and joining a camp of wandering predatory Sansees, 
was killed at the age of eighteen in a night attack upon a 
village. Bii Bara, though assuming the character of a religious 
fanatic, had the tact and policy to advance his own worldly 
interests, and became sole possessor of nearly half the lands 
in Sukerchuck, or about two wells. He obtained the designa¬ 
tion of Bii on becoming the chelah or disciple of a Sing or 
Seik in Gujerawalla, who taught him to read the Grunth or Holy 
Book of Baba Nanuk; and about the age of twenty-five he 
set out for Umritsir to receive the Pahul and become a Seik- 
But some accident having happened to him on the road he 


4 


HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING’S FAMILY/ 


returned without effecting his purpose. He is, however, known 
to have kept his head unshaved, and to have gone about the 
villages of Keallee and Sukerchuck proclaiming the precepts 
of Baba Nanuk. He kept no shop like his father; but his 
sole occupations were telling his beads and reading the 
Grunth. On his death, which happened about 1679, he enjoined 
on his son Buddah the duty of reading the Holy Book and of 
going to Umritsir to take the Pahul and become a Seik. Bud¬ 
dah on the death of his father was a boy of only nine years 
old, hut on growing up and finding himself in the possession of 
the little money left him by his father he seemed well disposed 
to follow the paternal example and lead a quiet and religious 
life. It happened, however, that he became acquainted with 
some plundering Seiks, and by communication with them his 
ideas and views underwent a change. He now, however, as it 
suited his purpose, remembered his father s injuction to become 
a Seik, and accordingly went with some of his new friends to 
Umritsir, where about the year 1692 he took the Pahul and 
thus became the first Seik of the family. On this occasion his 
name was changed from Buddah to Boodh Sing. 

On his return from Umritsir, Boodh Sing built himself a 
large house in Sukerchuck, which was his head-quarters, and 
where he continued to win the respect of the people both of 
Sukerchuck and Keallee, and so became one of their chowdries 
or head-men. But he not only looked after his interests in the 
villages, but, connecting himself with the gangs of predatory 
Seiks and Sansees, won himself the reputation of the boldest 
and most successful freebooter in the country. He generally 
however confined his achievements to the carrying off of cattle 
from far-away districts of the south; and the herds which he 
carried off were either appropriated to his own estate, or sold 
about Lahore and Umritsir. He rode a piebald mare, which 
became as famous as himself in the country, and was called by the 


HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING’S FAMILY. 


5 


people Desee, whence her rider obtained the nickname of Desoo. 
Boodh Sing* was distinguished for the most intrepid courage; for 
his sagacity and shrewdness, which bore him successfully through 
all his schemes, and for his ready wit and good humour. He 
was also famed for his regard to the rights and property of the 
poor. As an instance of this it is told that having once carried 
away above a hundred head of cattle from about Nunkhona, 
in the south, he some days afterwards met a poor widow, who, 
ignorant of whom she was speaking to, told him that she had 
come a long way to petition Desoo for the return of five head of 
cattle belonging to her and her fatherless children which had been 
stolen. Boodh Sing told her that it would be useless to go to 
Desoo, as he was a hard-hearted inexorable man; he said however 
that he in consideration of her poverty and her loss he would 
give her twenty head of cattle. He kept his word, the story 
says, and actually sent the cattle by some of his own people, 
further promising to afford her and her property protection ever 
after. Boodh Sing, according to tradition, swain the Jhelum, the 
Chinaub, and the Bavee, fifty times on his piebald mare. He had 
twenty-seven sword cuts and nine matchlock wounds in different 
parts of his body. He lived however through all the brunts 
incident to his vocation and died of apoplexy in 1716. On the 
day of his death his wife through grief stabbed herself to the 
heart and they were both burnt together. They left two sons, 
Nodh Sing and Chund Baun Sing, who was head of the 
Scindawalla branch of the family. 

A short time after his father’s death, Nodh Sing began to 
neglect the cultivation of his lands, and sought wealth and 
fame in plundering expeditions. But he soon made many 
acquaintances who turned his thoughts from what they described 
as the low and unprofitable plunder of cattle, to the more res¬ 
pectable and gainful business of a Tharvee, or highway robber. 
This new line of depredation he accordingly adopted, and soon 


6 


HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING’S FAMILY. 


became notorious throughout the country, from Rawul Pindee 
to the banks of the Sutlej. 

He now became acquainted with many of the newly made 
Seik Sirdars, and in 1730, contracted a marriage with the 
daughter of one of them, Golaub Sing, the son of Beesoo, a 
Sansee Jat of Majeetia. This Golaub Sing and his brother 
Ameer Sing, on becoming* Seiks became also Tharvees, and 
were so active and fortunate, that in a short time they had 
amassed considerable wealth, and were considered as the Sir¬ 
dars or Chiefs of Majeetia.* 

About the year 1721, Nodh Sing with a few select friends 
and relatives of himself and his wife united under his leadership 
as a Bratheree or Brotherhood, joined theMissall or Camp of Koo- 
pur Sing Gujerattia, commonly called the Fyzolpooria Missall. 
In this association, which existed about the time of the first 
Affghan invasion, Nodh Sing and his brethren amassed consi¬ 
derable wealth, by the plunder of the baggage and stragglers of 
the invading army. The spoils they won were carefully 
stored by the fraternity in the neighbourhood of Sukerehuck 
and Keealee, &c. After a long and successful career of 
plunder, Nodh Sing was in 1747 compelled to retire from the 
active practice of his vocation, by a matchlock ball received in an 
affray with some A Afghans; and after lingering for five years 
he died of the effects of the wound. His death occurred in 
1742, and he left behind him four sons, Churut Sing, born in 
1721, Dhull Sing, born in 1724, Jeet Sing, born in 1727, and 
Nanoo Sing, born in 1732. Of the last it is only necessary to 
say, that, from his religious habits he was invariably called Bii 
Nanjo Sing, and that he died without issue. Churut Sing, the 
eldest son, after his father’s death was only nominally connected 


• This was the origin of the Majeetia family, the principal representative of 
which at the present day, is the well known Lena Sing. 



HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING’S FAMILY. 


7 


with the Fyzolpooria Missall, as he kept aloof from that body, 
leaving his younger brothers to act in his stead. Even these he 
soon called away from the camp, having other views of aggran¬ 
dizement for himself and his family. In 1752, or the beginning 
of the following year, he, with a few of his relatives and followers, 
joined by a number of Mujbees, Sansees, and other roving 
plunderers, formed a separate body of robbers, and they soon be¬ 
came notorious throughout the land for the audacity and success 
with which they executed their schemes of plunder and rapine. 
So great was the dread which their acts inspired, and so 
strong the confidence of the people in the prowess of the 
Seiks in general, that one Mahomed Yar, a Sansee, and 
Chowdree or Chief of Keeallee, tendered to Churut Sing his 
right and title to that village, on condition that he would 
protect it against other robbers of his class. He also joined 
the band with some fifteen mounted followers, and thus 
added to its strength. About the same time Milika Sing, 
another robber, took by force the village of Mereliawalla near 
Gujerawalla, and being a friend* of Churut' Sing, he also 
joined his camp with about twenty horsemen. In this way, the 
originally small band soon mustered above one hundred and 
fifty active and daring plunderers. Being now irresistible, 
Churut Sing took forcible possession of all the villages 
around Gujerawalla, and also the Serai of Kutchee, in which he 
intended to establish his head-quarters. 

About the year 1773 Churut Sing appears to have been 
usually guided in his enterprises by the counsel and advice of 
one Ameer Sing of Gujerawalla, whose grand-father was a 
Sansee of the name of Sunnuth, residing in the vicinity of 
Gujerawalla, and who was said to have been a hundred years 
old when he took the Pahul and became a Seik. This Ameer 
Sing originally belonged to the Fyzolpooria Missall, but subse¬ 
quently robbed on his own account, and became well known on 
the roads, even from the banks of the Jhelum to the walls of 


8 


HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING’S FAMILY. 


Delhi. He thus amassed considerable substance, and, becoming' 
the proprietor of some large farms about Gujerawalla, was 
looked upon as the chief man of the district. He had 
three sons, Dliull Sing, Ameer Sing, and Jode Sing. He 
had also two daughters, to the eldest of whom, about the 
year 1756, Churut Sing was married. From this time the 
wealth and power of the two families were united; and the 
allied chiefs, Ameer Sing and Churut Sing, now raised a banner 
and formed a Missall of their own. The first chiefs of the 
new clan were Churut Sing, with his two brothers and his 
three brothers-in-law; but until Ameer Sing’s death he was 
considered and respected as its head and chief adviser, although 
from age and infirmity, unable to take an active part in its pro¬ 
ceedings. After the death of Ameer Sing, the new tribe 
became known as the Sukerchuckia Missall. About the 
year 1777 Ameer Sing counselled his followers to build them¬ 
selves a fort better adapted to their present wants and 
purposes than was Kutchee-ko-serai. On this work the 
Missall began, but the walls were not advanced beyond 
the first stage, when the chiefs of Lahore, Bahadoor Khan, 
Afzul Khan, and Koja Sei, jealous of the power of their neigh¬ 
bours, moved out with a force to disperse the band and 
destroy its stronghold. Churut Sing*, now the chief of the 
Missall, received timely notice of their design, and with about 
a thousand men of his band was ready to receive them. When 
the Mahomedan chiefs left Lahore on this enterprise, they were 
joined by about fifteen hundred or two thousand volunteers, 
Seiks, Sansees, Mujbees, Ac. many of them in actual but secret 
league with Churut Sing and his Missall. Thus reinforced 
the Lahore chiefs encamped about a mile and a half east of 
Gujerawalla, to prepare for the contemplated attack. However, 
on the second night of their stay in this place, they were sur¬ 
prised and furiously attacked by Churut Sing, and their treache¬ 
rous allies turning against them, their rout was complete. Their 


HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING’S FAMILY. 


9 


forces sought for safety in an immediate and precipitate flight, 
and the chiefs themselves narrowly escaped with their lives, 
leaving their camp and all its stores to become a spoil to the 
victorious Missall. By this feat Churut Sing extended his fame 
and established his power as head of the Sukerchuckia Missall. 

In 1762, when Ahmed Shah Abdallie with his Affghans 
made his appearance in the Punjaub, Churut Sing, too prudent to 
come in contact with the main body of the invaders, secreted 
his family and property in the hills about Jummoo, while he 
with his band prowled about the skirts of the Afighan host, 
harassing their march, cutting* off stragglers, and plundering 
their baggage. The only satisfaction the invaders obtained was 
in the destruction of the fort of Gujerawalla which they level¬ 
led to the ground. 

It was at this time that Churut Sing, whose family had been 
removed for safety to the hills, became acquainted with the 
Jummoo family. Chiefly, it is supposed, at his instigation Bejerei 
Deliu, the son of the Rajah of Jummoo, rebelled against his father, 
Runjeet Dehu. It is certain, at least, that in 1774, he, with other 
Seiks, went to assist the son against the father; and it was in 
the winter of the same year that he met his death from 
the bursting of a matchlock in the hands of one of his 
own followers, during a skirmish at Thillo ke Tallao, a tank 
lying about one and a half, or two coss, to the south-west of 
Jummoo. 

Churut Sing left a son named Maha Sing, born about the 
end of 1759 or the beginning of 1760; and who consequently 
at the time of his father’s death was about fourteen years of 
age. Too young to take any part in the government of the 
Missall, this task fell to the lot of his mother, the widow of Churut 
Sing. She, aided by the counsels of her paramour, a Brahmin 
named Jey Ram Misser, rebuilt the fort of Gujerawalla des¬ 
troyed by Ahmed Shah’s army, and which now began to be 
known after the name of the young chief as Maha Sing ka 

c 


10 HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING’S FAMILY. 

Ghurree, in like manner as it had previously been called after 
bis grandfather and father Ameer Sing and Churut Sing. 
In the year 1775 the mother of Malm Sing conspiring with 
Jey Sing, the Chief of the Kunnia Missall, procured the assas¬ 
sination of Jodh Sing Bhaungee. Towards the latter end 
of the same year Maha Sing married the daughter of Jugputh 
Sing of Jheend, who was commonly called Mai Malwine or 
the Malwa Mother. Shortly after this he gained great cele¬ 
brity by the capture and plunder of the fort and town of Russool- 
nuggur, subsequently called Ramnuggur, and by his victory 
over the strong tribe of Mahommedans called Chettas, the 
original occupants of Russoolnuggur and the district surrounding 
it. Golam Mahomed Chetta held out against him for some 
years, but was at length defeated and slain in a pitched battle. 
His son was taken prisoner and by order of the victor blown 
from a gun. After this Godjar Gola, the brother of Golam 
Mahomed, surrendered with his four sons, and received a 
small jaghire for his maintenance. In his war with the 
Chettas, Maha Sing had an army of 6,000 men. 

About ten months after the marriage of his parents, and in the 
the winter of 1776, Runjeet Sing the son of Maha Sing and the 
Mai Malwine was born. In 1778 many Chiefs and Sirdars from 
various other tribes joined the Suker chuckia Missal now under the 
sole and personal command of Maha Sing, who was still consider- ' 
ably influenced by the counsels of his mother and her favou¬ 
rites. In the winter of 1778, however Maha Sing put his 
mother to death with his own hands. He had long suspected 
one Hakeekuth Sing, of carrying on a criminal intercourse 
with her, but had never interfered to put a stop to it or taken any 
serious notice of the matter. It happened however that one 
Kliodadad Khan, the son of Ramneth Khan, a man of some note 
at Jelalpore near Gujerat, and who after his father’s death had 
killed his mother for merely attempting to engage in a criminal 
intrigue fled from his home and joined the Sukerchuckia Missall, 









































































































































































































' 


•• 








































•• 


.. . 







history op runjeet sing’s famiey. 


11 


with some fifteen or twenty horsemen. Maha Sing received him 
and his band and treated him with great respect. It chanced 
however, that two years afterwards, the chief of the Missall at an 
entertainment, and when his Sirdars and principal followers were 
present, jocosely questioned Khodadad Khan about the death of 
his mother. This annoyed the matricide, and he tauntingly replied 
that his mother met her death at the hands of her own son, 
for only intending to do what his, Maha Sing’s, mother 
was daily committing with the knowledge and almost in the 
presence of an insensate, shameless, cold-blooded son. This 
sharp rebuke confounded Maha Sing, who however said 
nothing further at the time. But thenceforward he seemed 
more thoughtful and appeared to be revolving some painful 
matter in his mind. More than a month passed without any 
thing happening to change the face of affairs. But at the end 
of that time Maha Sing having had occasion to leave his home, 
and returning suddenly a few days after, found his mother 
carousing with Hakeekuth Sing and others. This scene 
revived, in all their force, the feelings with which the taunt of 
Khodadad Khan had inspired him, and he determined to wash 
out the disgrace in his mother’s blood. Having on some pretext 
sent Hakeekuth Sing aud the other revellers from the house, 
he entered his mother’s apartment and shot her dead with 
his own matchlock. He then, restraining his followers who 
would have assisted him, cut off her hand with his sword. After 
this he summoned Khodadad Khan and showing him the body 
of his mother and his own bloody sword, said he hoped that 
he and the world would acknowledge that he had at length 
redeemed his character and avenged the honour of his family 
stained by his mother’s conduct. As to Hakeektuh Sing he 
declared that having no proof of his guilt he could not slay him 
then, but would watch his opportunity to revenge upon him 
the injury which the honour of his family had, as he strongly 
suspected, suffered at his hands. His true reason for sparing 
Hakeekuth Sing, however, was supposed to be that he knew 


12 


HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING’S FAMILY. 


that his death would be the signal for his own destruction by 
the Kunnia Missall, which was then very powerful. On hearing’ 
of the murder of his supposed mistress, however, Hakeekuth 
Sing, though attended by some three hundred followers, imme¬ 
diately fled to his jaghire near Wazeerabad. After all, it was 
by those best informed on the subject, asserted that the princi¬ 
pal paramour of the Mai Wuzeerabadia, as the mother of Maha 
Sing was called, was Joy Earn Misser, the Gooroo or religious 
preceptor of the family. This man, on hearing of the mur¬ 
der, fled to Peshawar to avoid a similar fate. 

In 1780 or 1781, Maha Sing exchanged turbans, in 
token of brotherhood, with Bejerei Dehu, now become 
Rajah of Jummoo, and shortly after found means to attack 
and plunder Jummoo and its district. In 1782, joined by 
Jessa Sing Kamgharria and Rajah Sansar Chund of Teera, 
he fought and slew Goorbux Sing the son of Jey Sing 
and chief of the Bhaungee Missall. In 1787 he besieged 
Gujerat, then ruled by Sobh Sing son of Gujer Sing, who 
was married to Purthaubee or Purthaub Kour, his, Maha 
Sing’s, own sister. During this siege however he became 
dangerously ill from the effects of drinking and other irre¬ 
gularities of living, and early in 1780 was brought home 
to his fort of Gujerawalla where in a few months afterwards 
he died. It is commonly reported that remorse for the mur¬ 
der of his mother drove Maha Sing to drinking as a means 
of drowning all disagreeable thoughts, and that he was often 
heard to declare that liquor alone could make him forget his 
guilt. He had also another cause of disquiet in his jealousy 
of his wife whose fidelity he suspected even from the day of 
their marriage. He was, it is said, more than once heard 
to express strong doubts as to the paternity of Runjeet his 
reputed son; and he regarded one Luckpath Rao, formerly 
his father’s dewan and minister, and still a young man of 
good person and engaging address, as his favoured rival in 
the affections of the Mai Malwine. 


EARLY HISTORY 

OF 

RDNJEET SING. 


At the time of his father’s death, Runjeet Sing*, who now 
became chief of the Sukerchuckia Missall, was a mere child, 
and his mother and mother-in-law—he had been already 
married to Mehtab Kour, daughter of Goorbux Sing- and 
Suda Kour—ruled the tribe in his name. These two 
women, both of them of evil repute, were chiefly aided and 
influenced by their paramours. In 1793, however, Runjeet being- 
now about seventeen years of age, followed the example 
of his father by putting his mother to death. For several 
months before this tragical event the young chief had 
formed many plans and schemes for convincing himself 
of the innocence or guilt of his mother whom he had 
strong reason to suspect of being engaged in criminal 
intrigues with one Laik Misser. In pursuance of these 
schemes, Runjeet one morning before day-break quietly 
entered the chamber of his mother, and finding that Laik 
Misser was actually there, he passed on silently to another 
apartment where he summoned two or three of his followers 
and provided himself with a sword. He then returned to his 
mother’s chamber in the full determination to slay both her 
and her paramour. Laik Misser, however, hearing some noise 
and immediately suspecting the cause, had made his escape. 
Runjeet entered the room and found that he had fled, and his rage 
at being thus thwarted was redoubled on finding the fugitive’s 
shoes, and a portion of his dress in the apartment. He how¬ 
ever, placed a restraint on his wrath or rather dissembled it, 



14 


EARLY HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING. 


and speaking quietly to his mother, promised her pardon on 
condition that she would confess her crime and produce her 
accomplice. She however, replied only by abuse and invect- 
tive, upbraiding her son with having cast an undeserved slur 
upon her character, which she asserted was as pure as he or 
any one could expect. This contention betwixt them continued 
for some time, when at length stung to madness by her reproaches, 
Runjeet drew his sword and made a blow at her as she was 
sitting up on her bed half naked and with dishevelled hair. 
On this with joined hands she implored mercy, but it was now 
too late, she was cut down and slain by the sword of her son. 
Having dispatched his mother, Runjeet hastened with his follow¬ 
ers in pursuit of Laik Misser, and promised a reward of five 
hundred rupees to any one who should take him alive, and 
thus give him the pleasure of putting the criminal to death 
with his own hand. The man escaped, however, for the time, 
and Runjeet returning from the pursuit performed the funeral 
obsequies of his mother with all proper ceremony and all out¬ 
ward tokens of respect and regret. Yet he never showed any¬ 
thing like remorse for what he had done, only remarking when¬ 
ever the death of his mother was mentioned, that it was the 
just punishment of her crimes, and that it was better that 
she should have died early than live a long life of guilt and 
shame. 

It is said by some that Laik Misser having fled for protec¬ 
tion to Suda Kour, the mother-in-law of Runjeet, was by her 
delivered up to the vengeance of the young chief who put 
him. to a cruel death. The most authentic accounts however 
say that he first escaped to Umritsir, and that he subsequently 
as a Brahmin threw himself on the protection of Suda Kour, 
who in spite of both the entreaties and threats of her son-in- 
law refused to give him up. Finding, however, that Runjeet 
was determined, no matter by what means, to get his intended 
victim into his hands, she sent him, it is said, under a strong* 


EARLY HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING. 


15 


escort across the Sutlej, and even as some assert as far as tlie 
Ganges. All however that is certainly known is that Laik 
Misser was never more heard of in the Punjaub. 

Not long after these events had occurred, Runjeet committed 
another act of cruelty in procuring the assassination of Dewan 
Lekoo, formerly the manager of his father’s affairs, and who had 
incurred his wrath by refusing him in his minority more than 
five rupees a day for his expenses, and by otherwise treating 
him in what the fiery youth considered a disrespectful manner. 
Not long after the murder of his mother, Runjeet sent ten or 
twelve of his men-at-arms to Kodrabad, where the dewan was 
collecting the revenues of the district, with strict injunctions to 
put him to death. These orders were strictly obeyed, and the 
soldiers speedily returned to their chief to report the execution of 
their dreadful task. For many years after this, Runjeet 
continued to be guided by the counsels of his mother-in-law 
Suda Kour, who ultimately, however, died in prison 
in 1827 having been placed in confinement by him for refus¬ 
ing to give up the fort of Dliinee, on the left bank of the 
Sutlej. 

For some years after the assumption of power by Runjeet 
Sing, the history of the Sukerchuckia Missal exhibits no event 
of particular importance. All was peace and quiet, and the 
young chief went every year with the whole of his tribe to 
Umritsir to bathe in the holy tank, and to be present at the 
Goormatta or yearly council of chiefs. Thus smoothly the time 
passed until the year 1798, when an event occurred which, 
as it formed the first step of the ladder by which Runjeet 
mounted to power, requires to be particularly described. 

By original ag*reement among the Seiks, Lahore was por¬ 
tioned out under the rule of three Sirdars, namely Gujer 
Sing, Seedoo, of Gujerut, Lena Siug, Ivoloo, of Lahore, and 
Soba Sing, Kunnia. These chiefs were now dead but their 
sons were living. The son of Gujer Sing was Sobh Sing, 
who generally resided at Gujerut; the son of Lena Sing 


16 


EARLY HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING. 


was Cliete Sing* wlio usually dwelt at Lahore; and the 
sons of Soba Sing- were Mohur Sing and Mean Sing. 
Two Mussulmans of the name of Meea Asliuk and Meer 
Mokun-ood-deen were however considered the principal \ar- 
seedaurs or Chowdries of Lahore. They were opulent and 
influential 5 and without their interference or sanction, few 
matters could be settled in the city or its neighbourhood. 
The daughter of Meea Asliuk was married to another Chow- 
drie whose name was Meer Buddur-ood-deen and who 
happened to be on unfriendly terms with certain Kotrees 
and Brahmins of the city. These men, in order to be revenged 
on Buddur-ood-deen, went in a body to Sirdar Chete Sing 
who resided in the Summun Boorj or fort of Lahore, and 
told him a long story of the treachery of their enemy, who 
they alleged was in constant communication with Zeman 
Shah the sovereign of Afghanistan. They even brought 
forward false papers, bearing a forgery of Buddur-ood-deen’s 
signature, for the purpose of corroborating their statement, 
and by these means they convinced Chete Sing of its truth. 
He accordingly, in a great rage, sent forth and had Buddur- 
ood-deen seized, and without allowing him to make his 
defence, or even to have an interview with him, ordered 
that he should be heavily ironed and cast into a dun¬ 
geon. On hearing of this, Meea Asliuk the father in law 
of the unfortunate man, with Meer Mokun-oo-deen, 
Chowdrie Kukka, Abruth Khan, and many other chief 
men and inhabitants of Lahore went in a body to Chete 
Sing to convince him of the innocence of Buddur-ood-deen 
and the malice of his enemies, hoping thereupon to 
procure the immediate release of their friend. Chete Sing 
however, refused to listen to them, and in an angry and haughty 
manner ordered them from his presence. O 11 this, Meea Asliuk 
Meer Mokun-oo-deen and their companions returned home 
much enraged and disappointed, and swearing vengeance upon 
the Kotrees and Bramins, as also on Sirdar Chete Sing. They 


EARLY HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING. 


17 


however persevered in their attempts to procure the release 
of Buddur-oodeen for 'nearly a month, when finding their 
representations and entreaties of no effect they determined to 
resort to other means. They deputed one of their number to 
wait upon Runjeet Sing, the young chief of the Sukerchuckia 
Missall, who then was at Russoolnuggur, otherwise Ramnuggur, 
on the Chinaub, for the purpose of inviting him to come and 
occupy Lahore, assuring him that all that they required was 
his presence there, as they themselves would do all that was 
necessary for securing their object. They also sent a similar 
message to his mother-in-law, the widow Suda Kour, in¬ 
viting her to aid and join the enterprise. Nothing could have 
pleased Runjeet better than the project thus proposed to him, 
as his ambition was already boundless. He therefore imme¬ 
diately got together such a force of horse and foot as he could 
muster on an emergency; and being joined by numbers of 
straggling Seiks, Akalees, and Mujbees, he at once set out for 
Umritsir, on the pretence of going there as usual to bathe 
and perform his devotions at the holy shrine. His real object, 
however, was to obtain the counsel and aid of his mother- 
in-law, who being fully as ambitious as himself, willingly g-ave 
him both encouragement and assistance, and even the sanction 
of her own presence and company. Thus re-inforced, Run¬ 
jeet at the head of about five thousand men, most of whom, 
however, were but stragglers, proceeded at one march from 
Umritsir to the Shalimar Gardens near Lahore. Here he 
was met by Meea Ashuk and Meer Mokun-ood-deen, who 
informed him that they had provided all that was necessary to 
secure his easy entrance into and capture of the city. They told 
him further that for this purpose they had made a large breach 
in the wall betwixt the Kidderee and Yakkee Gates. But Run¬ 
jeet, either suspicious of treachery or disdaining to enter the city 
in such a manner, determined not to pass through the breach 
which had been made for his convenience. It was there- 


18 


EARLY HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING. 


fore resolved that he should advance at eight o’clock the same 
morning towards the Shalmee and Loharee Gates, which Meer 
Mokun-oo-deen and Meea Ashuk promised to have open for 
his admission. Acting on this plan Runjeet made a rapid 
march from the Shalimar Gardens to the place appointed; and 
before Sirdar Chete Sing was aware of his presence or design, 
he had entered by the Loharee gate with about a thousand 
of his best men, while another body of about three or four thou¬ 
sand under the command of Dhul Sing, Baug Sing, and others, 
had entered by the Shalmee and Laliaree Gates and taken pos¬ 
session of them and the ramparts on either side. 

When at length Chete Sing became aware of the proceedings 
of Runjeet, it was only by being purposely misinformed as to his 
whereabout. He was told that the besiegers were outside 
the Yakkee and Delhi Gates, which were shut against them; 
and that the men in charge of these gateways were ready 
to fight for the chiefs of the city. On hearing this Chete Sing 
took four or five hundred men and leaving' the fort by the eastern 
gateway he went towards the Delhi Gate, intending to aid 
and encourage the guards in their resistance. However before 
he had proceeded far, he was met by a confidential retainer, who 
coming to him in haste begged of him instantly to return to 
the fort if he would save his life, for that by treachery the enemy, 
five thousand strong, had been admitted into the city, and that 
also by treachery he, Chete Sing, had been misled into the 
belief that he would find them outside the Delhi gate, the 
object of this manoeuvre being to enable Runjeet Sing quietly 
to occupy the fort, while the chief was seeking him elsewhere. 
On receiving this intelligence, Chete Sing returned to the fort, 
barely in time to shut the Hazaree Baug gate against Runjeet’s 
cavalry, led by himself in person. A moment later and 
Runjeet’s horsemen would have entered the fort along with 
its defenders. As it was they gallopped up just in time to 
shoot two or three of the gate-keepers as they were closing 


EARLY HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING. 


19 


the gate. Thus disappointed Runjeet returned to a little 
distance and opened a desultory fire of matchlocks on the 
place from all quarters. This firing, which was promptly 
answered by Chete Sing with his five hundred men inside, 
was kept up for about twenty-four hours. However on the 
next morning Chete Sing finding treachery on every side, sur¬ 
rendered on condition that his life and the lives of his followers 
should be spared, and that he should have a jaghire sufficient 
for the maintenance of his family. These terms Runjeet grant¬ 
ed, and gave to the fallen chief, whom he treated with much 
respect, the village of Vennia* and its appurtenances worth 
about seven thousand rupees a year. 

The story of the subsequent career of Runjeet Sing has 
been too often told to warrant its transcription here. His gra¬ 
dual rise from being* the chief of a tribe of roving plunderers 
to the sovereingty of a nation is a subject of history. Having 
once tasted the sweets of conquest in the capture of Lahore 
as related above, he, like the young tiger who has lapped blood 
for the first time, was eager for further prey. His ambition 
having once been gratified grew with what it fed upon and 
nothing less than the mastery of all around would con¬ 
tent it. Thus prompted the chief of the Sukerchuckia Mis¬ 
sal, and now the Lord of Lahore, began a career of conquest 
and subjugation that ceased not until it had brought him to a 
wall of impenetrable mountains on the one hand, and on the 
other in contact with a foreign power whose frontier was 
to him as impassable as the Himalayas themselves. 

In 1805 Runjeet was recalled from a career of victory in the 
west by intelligence that a body of fugitive Mahrattas, closely 
pursued by a British army, was approaching his eastern frontier. 
This was unwelcome news, as he had no desire to see the 


* The village of Vennia is about 21 miles from Lahore, and was lately in the 
hands of Multanee Sing. 



20 


EARLY HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING. 


Punjaub a battle field for two foreign armies. He, however, 
hastened to Lahore and there received Jeswunt Rao the chief 
of the Mahrattas, but gave him so little encouragement to hope 
for aid, that instead of continuing his flight through the coun¬ 
try the fugitive chief was content to make terms with his 
pursuers, and thus the evil which Runjeet dreaded was averted. 

In 1808, the British Indian Government desiring to engage 
Runjeet Sing*, now one of the acknowledged princes of India, in 
a grand combination against the ambitious designs of Napoleon 
who meditated an invasion of the country, sent one of its 
servants, Mr. (afterwards Lord) Metcalfe on a mission to the 
Seik Chief. The British envoy found Runjeet eng*aged in the 
subjugation of the various independent states betwixt the Sutlej 
and the Jumna. As the British claimed the sovereignty 
of all the territory up to the Sutlej they protested against 
these proceedings of the Seik Chief; and being ready to back 
their protest with an armed force, Runjeet deemed it pru¬ 
dent to listen to their remonstrance. Negotiations ensued, 
and the result was that he was allowed to retain possession of the 
states he had already won, while those which had not yet 
submitted to him were taken under British protection. He 
was by the treaty now executed, confined in a great measure 
to the right bank of the Sutlej, not being allowed to maintain 
more troops to the south of that river than were absolutely 
necessary for the internal duties of the small states then belong¬ 
ing to him. The Sutlej thus became the proper boundary of 
his dominions to the south and east, and so it continued 
until his dying day. 

It was while Mr. Metcalfe was at Umritsir carrying on 
negotiations with the Maharajh of the Seiks, as Runjeet 
now called himself, that an event occurred which, though trivial 
in itself not only inspired the latter with a profound respect 
for the power of his British neighbours, but made him anxious 
to possess himself of similar means of securing respect. 


EARLY HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING. 


21 


Among tlie followers of Runjeet, and tlie principal agents of 
his successes, were the Akalees, a body of fanatic Seiks some¬ 
what analogous to the Gazees among the Mussulmans, and 
whose head-quarters were at the holy tank of Umritsir. These 
men, whose designation signifies “ Immortal ” were in the habit 
of rushing forward furiously upon the enemy in the begin¬ 
ning of a battle and throwing him into confusion, thereby often 
doing good service to their chief, who knew their value, and 
gave them every encouragement. They were led by one Pboola 
Sing, a desperado of a most fierce and sanguinary character and 
who figures prominently in the history of Runjeet’s early career. 
There is reason, however, to suppose, that these fiery bigots 
served the Maharajh rather out of hate to the Mussulmans 
than out of regard for him, for this same Phoola Sing their 
leader came to Mr. Moorcroft when he was in the Punjaub and 
offered his and their services to the British Government. 

It happened that while Mr. Metcalf was at Umritsir the 
Mohurum a period of particular solemnity among the Mussul¬ 
mans occurred. The men of that faith in the suite and escort 
of the envoy accordingly prepared to celebrate it with the ap¬ 
propriate rites. This, which was looked upon as an insult to 
their sacred place, gave great umbrage to the Seiks in general 
and to the bigoted Akalees in particular ; and while the Maho- 
medan procession in honour of Hassan and Hussain was in 
progress, the fanatics, led by Phoola Sing, opened a fire of 
matchlocks upon the Mussulmans. Though greatly overmatched 
in numbers the Moslems of the envoy’s escort, which consisted 
only of two companies of infantry and a few troopers, 
were not disposed to submit to this treatment. They there¬ 
fore broke up their procession for the moment, seized their 
arms, gave battle to their assailants, and having after a fierce 
struggle beaten them off, proceeded with their ceremonies 
as if nothing had occurred to interrupt them. Runjeet himself 
was a witness to the close of the contest and to the defeat of his 


22 


EARLY HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING. 


“ Immortals/’ and complimented tlie envoy on tlie bravery of his 
small band of followers. He saw, however, in this incident 
enough to convince him that an army disciplined as these men 
were, was not to be assailed with any hope of success by his own 
wild troops, and he gave up for a time his cherished design of 
measuring his strength with that of his haughty neighbours. 
Having thus learned the value of discipline, he was seized with 
the desire to possess a disciplined army, and as is well known, 
was not content with idly desiring it, but using all means 
available for effecting his purpose, at length saw himself at the 
head of a force such as no eastern power had ever before pos¬ 
sessed, and with which he hoped when tlie opportunity occurred 
to be able to battle with the British for the sovereignty of 
Hindostan. 

In 1818 Run'eet Sing made himself master of Moultan 
and soon afterwau s of Peshawar. In the following 1 year lie 
eoncpiered Cashmere and annexed it to his already extensive 
dominions. The following account of the fate of the man 
who was the immediate agent of these and his other conquests 
will serve to illustrate some curious points in the character of 
the Maharajk. 

While Runjeet was engaged in the conquest of the Hazareh, 
Chotah, and Gundeghur districts, he found Mahomed Khan, 
the chief of Goolzeree, a much more powerful and obstinate 
enemy than any other of the chiefs around him. For this 
reason he deputed Misser Dewan Chund, the commander of 
his troops, to visit the chief and endeavour to bring him to 
terms by making many fair promises. But the Misser 
when he went on this embassy was not aware that Runjeet’s 
only object was to get Mahomed Khan into his power, when 
he could do whatever he pleased with him. He therefore 
exerted all his powers of persuasion to induce the Mussulman 
chief to accompany him to his master’s camp near Rawul Pindee, 
and he finally succeeded in his purpose. Runjeet at first treated 


EARLY HISTORY OF RUNJEET SING. 


23 


Maliomed Khan with great respect, so that the suspicions of 
the chief being lulled to sleep, he was induced by specious 
promises, and on Misser Dewan Chund becoming security for his 
safety and for the fulfilment of the promises made, to accompany 
the Maharajh to Lahore. Scarcely, however, had they reached 
Lahore before Runjeet, forgetting all his oaths and promises, 
threw Mahomed Khan into prison and otherwise so ill treated 
him that his life was despaired of. Misser Dewan Chund, 
ashamed and indignant at such conduct to a man for whose 
safety and well-being he had become security, daily remonstrated 
with his master on the subject. But the only effect of his 
upbraidings was to induce Runjeet to remove his victim to 
another and more distant prison—the fort of Kangra—and 
this was done so secretly that the Misser did not know of the 
removal. One day he went before Runjeet in open dur¬ 
bar, resolved on making a grand effort to obtain the release of 
a chief -whose reliance on his word and on the promises he had 
made had alone brought him into the power of his enemy. On this 
occasion he spoke so boldly and expressed his opinion so freely that 
Runjeet became enraged, and even went so far as to threaten the 
Dewan him self, telling him that instead of concerning himself 
so much about the safety of Mahomed Khan, he would soon 
have occasion to look to his own. On receiving this reply 
Dewan Chund quietly left the durbar, and returned to his 
house greatly distressed. That same night he took poison, and 
within twenty-four hours thereafter was- a corpse. Runjeet on 
hearing of the death of his faithful servant professed to be 
much afflicted, and immediately sent orders for the release of 
Mahomed Khan ; but it was too late, the unfortunate chief 
was dead, having sunk under the treatment inflicted on him 
by order of the treacherous Seik. On learning this the 
Maharajh felt or seemed to feel so much remorse that for two 
days he would taste no food, and for several days after was 
not in a mood to be spoken to. 


SECRET HISTORY 


OP THE 

LAHORE DURBAR. 


Some years prior to Runjeet Sing’s death, or rather from the 
date of Heera Sing’s birth, Raja Dehan Sing, by means of the 
wiliest insinuation had so well worked himself into the old Lion’s 
favor, that he may he said to have held the reins of government 
entirely in his own hands. Thus established as the only, or at 
all events the chief, favorite of the one-eyed monarch, he 
unremittingly employed every endeavor to get rid of the old 
Seik Sirdars, and so weakened their authority that there soon 
remained not one among them all who possessed either the 
power or the courage to oppose him in any of his wishes. So 
far even did his influence extend, that no Sirdar, however 
high in rank, even though he were the king’s son, was allowed 
to enter the presence of the Sovereign without the minister’s 
sanction being first received. Frequent instances have been 
known of Kurruck Sing and Sliere Sing being obliged to wait 
for hours together, and to bribe the gate-keepers and court 
attendants to procure them permission to go and pay their 
respects to the old King. About this time he succeeded in 
forcing on Runjeet the opinion that his only son Kurruck 
Sing was not of sound or proper mind, and consequently unfit 
to govern, as he would be expected to do. In support of this 
assertion care was takeritthat by the insufficiency of means placed 
at his disposal, the greater part of the expeditions on which 
he was sent should either partially or entirely fail, and accord¬ 
ingly he was regarded as being incapable of command. But 



SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


25 


in fact it will readily be acknowledged by all who knew any 
tiling of Kurruck Sing, that in tbe early part of .his life he gave 
the promise of, or in reality possessed, all the abilities requi¬ 
site for a sovereign of the Punjaub; with perhaps one excep¬ 
tion, viz. that while not so crafty as the minister, he was more 
religiously and peacefully inclined, and far less ambitious. Yet 
though peaceful, he proved when roused to energy that he 
possessed no small share of personal bravery, activity, and 
determination. It must however be owned, that during the 
latter years of Runjeet’s life, when through the intrigues of 
the wily minister, Kurruck Sing was treated even by his own 
father as imbecile and unworthy either of power or confi¬ 
dence, and when all hopes of returning favor were des¬ 
troyed, his mind gradually assumed a dark and gloomy aspect. 
This was instantly regarded as a corroborating proof of his being 
dull and possessed of no abilities; spite of all however, he 
seemed to bear the whole with a religious meekness and 
silent acquiescence. 

Shere Sing again, was from the first, or not long after 
his birth, disowned by the king as not being his lawful son, 
and was only treated nominally as such, being allowed cer¬ 
tain jaghires and lands to live on, sometimes commanded to 
do duty, and to go on campaigns and expeditions with the 
same order and in the same manner as other Sirdars. 

About this time too, Kurruck Sing and Shere Sing, but 
more particularly the former, were but seldom allowed to 
remain at or near the Court, being generally sent away and 
kept at a distance on the frontiers, on some foolish or trifling- 
excuse. And while the heir to the throne was being thus treated, 
Rajah Heera Sing, the minister’s eldest son was by the instru¬ 
mentality of female intrigue and Delian Sing’s craft, so brought 
up and cherished as to be considered the favorite and adopted 
child. The king’s mind was so worked on that he could nei¬ 
ther sleep nor rest without having him at his side.—It was he 

E 


26 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


and he alone that could lull the old chief to sleep. An airing’ 
could not be taken in the Royal Palkee without his being seated 
in it too. In short when he was absent Runjeet became uneasy^ 
peevish, and vexed, and only seemed anxious for his return. Rive 
hundred rupees, and sometimes more, were nightly laid beneath 
his pillow by the old king’s hand, to be distributed to the 
poor by the young prince on the following morning. Of 
this it is no exaggeration to say that ten rupees daily was 
never known to be distributed in the way of alms, or for the 
purpose originally contemplated. It might also be mentioned 
here that at this period, by the express orders of Runjeet 
and of Dehan Sing, Pnndit Jellah acted as the tutor and guar¬ 
dian of the young Rajah—his mother having died in 1832. 

Rajah Dehan Sing had at all times full permission to enter 
Runjeet’s Zenankliana, and hence it was that the ma¬ 
jority of his intrigues and schemes succeeded; the wo¬ 

men there obeyed him, for they dreaded him far more than 
they did even their own lord. Heera Sing was (it 

might be said) a continual resident here—and though young 
was well tutored how to act in any case or circum¬ 
stance. Through him all the secrets of Runjeet Sing 
became known to the minister and his party. They were 
thus privy to every thing in and out of Court; nor could 
any thing be done even in the most secret recesses of the 
King’s private chamber without their knowledge. Thus things 
went on working in favor of the Dogra party, until 

the old king was on his death bed. Then and only then 
was Kurruck Sing, his son, called for into the presence of the 
dying monarch, who, placing his hand in that of Dehan Sing, 
gave over the charge of his son and heir, to his much esteemed 
favorite and minister. He now enjoined Rajah Dehan Sing to 
place Kurruck Sing on the throne, to act as his guardian and pro¬ 
tector, to treat him in every way as the only son and heir of his 
old master j and he told him that the only return he expected 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 27 

for liis past favors was, that lie would act towards Kurruck 
Sing' the part of a good, loyal, and faithful minister and 
servant. Thus the old king died and Kurruck Sing was 
placed on the guddee.* 

The new sovereign was well aware how his late father 
had been duped in every way by the minister; and accordingly 
one of his first orders was, that though the Rajah Dehan Sing 
should he treated in every respect as a good councillor and 
minister, the former custom and privilege of his own and 
his son’s free admission into the King’s Zenankhana should no 
longer be allowed; adding that as there was no further occa¬ 
sion for such admission, he politely entreated that Dehan 
Sing would not require it again. In a private and confi¬ 
dential interview with the Rajah, Kurruck Sing in the 
mildest manner assured him that by this act he did not 
intend to lessen his power, or that his interest as minister, 
should suffer or be in the least prejudiced. Dehan Sing how¬ 
ever replied, that without this permission he could not act 
as he wished, nor as he formerly did. Thus first began the 
breach between Kurruck Sing and his minister;—the latter 
of whom harboured from this time a settled hatred to the 
monarch, his advisers, and his old servants. 

This order of the king’s procured for him many admirers, 
who regarded it as promising to ensure the best results to 
his regal career. Among others, there was one more pro¬ 
minent than the rest. This was Cheyt Sing, who suggested, 
that, as Rajah Dehan Sing publicly gave out that he would 
not allow any one to sit on the Lahore guddee who did not 
grant him all the powers and privileges which he possessed 
in the time of the old king, if he would not act 


* At Runjeet’s incremation Rajah Dehan not only hypocritically shed tears, but 
twice or thrice affected to force himself forwarc. to become as good a suttee as the 
best and dearest of the old king’s wives. 




28 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


as a minister ought, there were others who could be 
found to occupy the place, who were even more loyal and 
trustworthy than he. The minister soon felt, that, for his own 
interest, some step must speedily be taken; and his wily 
and crafty disposition was not long in devising a deep scheme. 
It was given out that Kurruck Sing, with Cheyt Sing and 
his other admirers, had leagued with the British, and was 
ready to acknowledge their power, to place himself under their 
protection, to pay six annas in every rupee of revenue for the 
expenses incurred by this act, and that all the Seik troops should 
then be disbanded and the Sirdars done away with. These, 
and similar stories, he contrived to have so rumoured about, 
that nothing else was talked of;—and every body, even the 
common soldiers, reprobated and reviled Kurruck Sing and 
the advisers of a plan for thus bringing a foreign enemy into 
the country and giving up all power into their hands. Affairs 
stood thus, when, by Rajah Dehan Sing’s order, Koonwur 
No Nehal Sing, was hastily recalled from Peshawur, where he 
was at the time of his father’s accession to the throne.* 

Rajah Goolaub Sing accompanied the prince, and had so tutored 
him both in Peshawur and on his way to Lahore, that he 
entered the latter city the avowed enemy of his father. The 
minister, his brother, and their party, pleaded their cause and 
played their part so well with Koonwur No Nehal Sing and 
his mother, that they obtained their permission, along with that 
of other Sirdars to assassinate Cheyt Sing and to imprison the 
Maharajh or use other means to deprive him of power. They 
revived the story of intrigue with the British, and produced 
forged letters bearing the signatures of Kurruck Sing and 


* He arrived from Peshawur on this occasion in six days, and would certainly— 
(according to the private orders sent by Rajah Dehan Sing to his brother Rajah 
Goolaub Sing) have left that city many days earlier than he did, but for Goolaub Sing’s 
being detained by the then Captain Wade who was encamped at the time at the 
mouth of the Khyber. 



SECRET HISTORY OP THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


29 


Cheyt Sing in proof of their charge. The minister and his 
brother upheld that this step was the only one to be taken by 
which to secure the country from the power of the Feringhees. 
Every thing was agreed to, and even No Nehal Sing’s mother 
was so worked on by her fears of the Feringhees, that she con¬ 
sented to the dethronement and imprisonment of her husband ; 
and thus the whole of this conspiracy was carried on with the ut¬ 
most secrecy until the time was ripe for action. Then it was that 
the minister, with his two brothers, Rajahs Goolaub and Suchet 
Sing—accompanied by the Sirdars and most of the Scindawallas 
went into the fort (two hours, of the night still remaining) 
and entered the sleeping room of Kurruck Sing. On their 
way there they were met by two Biias, whom they cut down, 
and further on they met a Gudwaii or water carrier who 
had a few minutes before been with Kurruck Sing. This 
man was now returning to the king who had just gone 
into his sleeping room (as was his custom at that hour) to 
pray. Immediately on perceiving the conspirators, the Gudwaii, 
who was a little in advance, ran forward to give the alarm 
to Kurruck Sing. At this moment Rajah Dehan Sing, who 
carried a short English rifle and was a good shot, fired and 
the Gudwaii instantly fell. Goolaub Sing immediately remon¬ 
strated with, and even sharply reprimanded, his brother for 
this act of indiscretion; and at the same he time gave strict 
orders to the whole party to make as little noise as possible, 
as whatever was to be done, could only be accomplished 
in silence and by the sword. The party now advanced to 
the king’s bedroom; but on their approaching it, Cheyt Sing, 
being alarmed by the noise, and fearing some unseen danger, 
quietly slipped out and concealed himself in a long and 
dark chamber named the Kaubgaa close to and in rear of 
the monarch’s apartments. The conspirators on approach¬ 
ing these, were challenged by the guards and two companies 


30 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


under arms, who at first seemed inclined to make some opposi¬ 
tion. This however was a mere feint; for when Rajah Delian 
Sing’ advanced alone towards their commanding* officer—and 
holding up his six fingered hand—pointed to the Prince, 
without a word being exchanged the whole of the two com¬ 
panies silently grounded their arms, and sat or lay down as 
regularly and simultaneously, as though they had been pre¬ 
viously well trained to it. After this, they were even more 
silent than the other party, who were now so awed by Rajah 
Goolaub Sing’s looks, as to be afraid even to whisper to one 
another. Kurruck Sing was soon surprized and hound. lie 
imagined in his terror that he was about to be killed, 
and in all probability he would have been put to death 
—the minister and his brother being only anxious for an 
opportunity to destroy him—but for the presence of his son 
No Nehal Sing, and the injunctions of his wife Chund 
Kour, both of whom had joined in the plot on the condi¬ 
tion that no bodily injury should be offered to Kurruck 
Sing. Clieyt Sing was now searched for, and was soon found 
in the dark chamber before mentioned, where, in a corner, 
with a drawn sword held in both hands, but trembling with 
fear, and without the power of using it, he stood and cried like 
a child for mercy. Immediately on his being discovered, he 
w r as dragged to the door way, into the presence of the minis¬ 
ter, who, as soon as he identified him, with his own hand 
drove a long knife twice though his body. Falling wounded 
to the ground, the unfortunate Cheyt Sing was literally 
hacked to pieces by the infuriated assassins. Two hours after 
this Kurruck Sing was confined in the fort; and the party having 
returned, Koonwur No Nehal Sing was proclaimed king; the 
old sovereign being put down as an enemy to the state, and 
one incapable of holding the reins of government. 

Blinded by the promises made to him by the minister, 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


31 


No Nehal Sing’ soon became elated with the success he 
had attained. Brahmins, fakeers, &c. were brought forward 
to prophecy the endurance of his rule and the success of 
his arms, which they declared would shortly conquer Delhi 
and extend even as far as Benares itself. To flatter his 
credulity and to humour his ambition some of these Brah¬ 
mins requested and absolutely got from him promissory 
bills of the right and title to large sums of money and pre¬ 
sents of jaghires and land, about Benares, Delhi, &c.—all to 
come into force when his empire extended so far. Thus 
governed by the craft and wily machinations of his tutors 
he sincerely believed in all; and his ambition soon led him 
to consent to the imprisonment of his father. By this low yet 
deep policy a most rancorous enmity was established between 
the father and the son. Of the former king, No Nelial Sing 
never spoke but in terms of contumely and reproach. He 
would see him but seldom, and when he did it was only to abuse 
him for his supposed unmanly conduct and pusillanimity. 

Thus was Kurruck Sing’s spirit and constitution broken 
down. Shortly afterwards he was reported to be sick, and 
by the help of his doctors, who had their part appointed 
them, was in a very short time beyond ail hopes of recovery. 
His son however was taught to believe that he was only 
feigning to be ill, with the hope of being able to effect his 
escape and make his way over to the British.*' For this 
reason Kurruck Sing was but little noticed by his son 
during his illness; in fact he never saw linn but once, and 
then but a short time before his death,—on which occasion 
the father was treated by his only sonin a manner revolting, 
even to the natives around. There is nothing at all astonish¬ 
ing in this when we remember the shameful proceedings adopted 


* To give this the semblance of probability and truth strong gu ards were placed 
over the person of the deposed monarch. 



32 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


by the minister to keep alive and feed the flame of bitterness 
and enmity in the mind of each. During* all this time No 
Nehal Sing never once imagined—even when his father was 
proclaimed as being beyond recovery—but that he was dying 
from natural causes, brought on perhaps by taking too much 
unwholesome medicine in support of his feigned illness. It 
has already been stated that Kurruck Sing saw his son but 
once during his illness, though he often implored and begged 
that he would visit him. Delian Sing in the meanwhile kept 
up the outward appearance of peace maker, as though he 
were sincerely desirous of producing a reconciliation between the 
two parties—or, as he expressed it, to bring them to a proper 
sense of their duty as father and son. But still he took 
care by sinister means to instil the rancorous poison of enmity 
so deeply into the minds of both, that all his outward endea¬ 
vors for an amicable settlement and meeting must necessarily 
fail. Thus, he was seen more than once with tears in his 
ejes imploring No Nehal Sing to see his father—as it 
became a son to do—in kindness, friendship, and love. Fail¬ 
ing in this he would proceed to the father and represent to 
him the manner in which he had acted for the benefit of 
both—but that unfortunately, and he grieved to say it—he 
had not sufficient power, to destroy the inimical feeling that 
existed in the breast of No Nehal Sing towards his father.* 
In fact the old king was frequently told that he must now 
begin to be aware that his son’s object was simply to gain a 
convenient opportunity to assassinate him. At length Kurruck 
Sing died; and it neither must nor can be made a secret, that 
he died from the slow effects of small doses of u Sapheda 
Kaskaree,” (white lead or the acetate of lead) and u Rus 


* Several of the secret enemies of the Rajah assisted privately or connived at 
all this,—being well aware that the fate of him and his family was inevitably 
sealed the moment Koonwur No Nehal Sing should enter into the full possession 
of the throne. 



SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


33 


Camphoor,” (Corrosive Sublimate , or the native muriate of 
mercury.)* 

No Nehal Sing was not present at tlie cleatli-bed of his 
father, whose continual cry in his dying agonies (agonies 
caused by the cold spasmodic affections of the limbs and 
bowels) was, that he might yet have the pleasure of seeing 
his son in order to pardon the parricide. From this it 
would appear, that Kurruck Sing was aware that he had 
been poisoned—though he considered his son to have 
been the principal agent in the deed. The language em¬ 
ployed by him on his death bed was, however, declared 
by the minister to be the ravings of a dying man—and he pre¬ 
tended (as did the doctors also) that his viction was at the 
time insane. Notwithstanding this it was still thought that 
the cries of the unfortunate father might weigh on the mind 
of his son j and consequently the latter was purposely kept 
out of the way, and informed that his father was cursing 
him, and only giving vent by means of execrations, even in 
this his last hour, to his hatred and enmity. Thus was No 
Nehal Sing induced to allow his father to fall a victim to 
his enemies without even visiting- him; while the father on 
his part, with his last breath, kept calling for his “ dear and 
only son.” When the death of Kurruck Sing was announced 
to his son,f instead of being affected by it, he seemed to think 
that now the day of his rejoicing and happiness had arrived, 
and calmly gave orders for the incremation of the corpse.]: 


* Bii Goormuck Sing was acquainted with the whole of the particulars of the 
conspiracy, and not only hinted them to Kurruck Sing, but also warned him of his 
danger ; and at the same time strongly remonstrated with the parties employed 
in this treacherous and murderous affair. 

+ When the news first reached the prince, he was on a party of pleasure, hunting 
near Shahbelore. He did not, however, give up the sport3 of the field for two hours 
afterward. 

$ One of the late king’s wives—a young and most beautiful lady of about twenty 
years of age—the sister of Sirdar Mungul Sing,—was, by the contrivance of Dehan 

F 



34 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

This ceremony was performed in an open space opposite the 
mausoleum of Runjeet Sing', and near the Hazooree Bagh, 
within the precincts of the palace; and while the body of the 
late sovereign was being burnt, the new Maharajh, No 
Nehal Sing, stood by the blazing pile of his father. Rajah 
Dehan Sing was at his side. Ere the corpse was consumed, 
however, the prince felt desirous to leave the spot, and 
to perform the ceremony of ablution in a nullah at a short 
distance. On this the minister politely represented to him 
that it would be contrary to rule and etiquette for him 
to leave the place before the body was consumed, and even 
went so far as to appeal to his sense of duty to the me¬ 
mory of a dear and lost father! No Nehal was thus per¬ 
suaded to stay a little longer; but presently, on the plea 
of sickness—it is said that he really was sick—he left the 
spot. He then proceeded on foot towards the bathing place 
which was at the distance of only about one hundred and 
twenty yards. While on his way the minister again brought 
him to a stand, for a moment, to remonstrate with him on his 
indecorous haste; the prince, however, was not to be detain¬ 
ed, and he went on towards the stream. He was attended 
by the whole court, and followed by five elephants; but as it 
would have been considered irreverent for him to ride past the 
funeral pile on his return, the elephants were sent back to wait 
at a little distance. Having washed, the prince set forth on 
his return. He had to pass first through a gateway, then across 
a court yard, and lastly through a deep arch-way leading 
from this court-yard to the spot on which the corpse had 
been burnt, and near which the elephants were now in waiting. 
Just before he entered this archway the prince took the hand 
of Meean Oottum Sing, the eldest son of Goolaub Sing and 


Sing—who for some occult reason procured it—shamefully treated and forced to 
become one of the victims at the suttee on this occasion. 




SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


35 


nephew of Dehan Sing', and the two proceeded throng'll the 
gateway together. As they emerged from the passage, the 
young Maharajh made a momentary halt while he addressed 
some jocular remark to his companion, and the next instant 
a crash was heard,—the beams, stones, and tiles fell from above 
and the two young men were struck to the ground.* 

The largest of the stones fell on the Meean and killed him 
on the spot. The young prince too fell senseless, but after 
a moment struggled to rise. No one, however, could tell at 
the time whether the blow was mortal or not. Dehan Sing* 
immediately took up the prince in his arms, and placing him 
in a palkee, which, as it would seem, was in readiness for 
the purpose, had him conveyed to the fort, and there locked 
him up in an inner apartment. Lena Sing Majeeteea, attempt¬ 
ed to follow the palkee; but Dehan Sing, as soon as he saw 
the Sirdar’s object, instantly pushed him away. In vain did 
some others of the chief Sirdars entreat admittance—in vain 
did the mother of No Nehal in a paroxysm of rage and anxiety 
come and beat the fort gates with her own hands—admittance 
even into the fort there was none, still less into the prince’s 
apartment. None of the female inmates, not even his wives 
were suffered to see him. Every thing was kept locked up 


* Captain Gardner says, “ I myself was present at the commencement of the 
ceremony of cremation, that is, when the torch was applied, standing close to 
Rajah Dehan Sing, being by his special orders, in attendance on him. Before the 
prince had left the spot, however, I was directed by the Rajah to go and bring 
forty of my artillerymen in their fatigue dresses, whom he said he wanted there 
immediately. When I returned with these men the catastrophe had just occurred, 
and No Nehal Sing was being carried in a palanquin into the Hazooree Bagh. 
I then received an order from the Rajah to send my men to their camp, as 
their services were no longer required. What services it was intended or expected 
that they should render, 1 have never been able to ascertain. While on the 
spot, however, I learnt all the particulars of the affair, and have since verified 
them by the evidence of a most respectable merchant of Lahore, the state jeweller 
to the Durbar, who, before several British officers, corroborated what 1 have said 
of the events which preceded the death of No Nehal Sing.” 



36 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


for a while—the palkee bearers were sent to their homes*— 
and the minister with but two of his followers and chief hill- 
men remained with the prince. 

The numerous Sirdars and others, who were assembled 
outside the gates were ordered quietly to retire, being’ informed 
at the same time that the prince was in a likely way to do 
well—that he was but wounded, and for the time insensi¬ 
ble—and that notwithstanding the severity of the contusion, 
he had already given evident signs of life, and that there 
were strong hopes of a speedy recovery. In about two hours 
afterwards the minister, committing his charge to his two hill- 
men, left the fort, and proceeding first x to the mother of the 
prince, had with her a private conference. He now informed 
her of her son’s death—but under strict injunctions to keep 
the matter secret—telling her that all her hopes of reigning 
or even of retaining her present station depended entirely on 
this point. He protested further, that when he first placed the 
prince in the palkee, though not then entirely insensible, he was 
mortally wounded; and that about half an hour after he was 
removed into the fort—during which time, he said, he had 
done all he could to preserve the prince’s life—he had breathed 
his last, there having, as he asserted, been a contusion of the 
brain. He did not leave the mother, until he had persuaded 
her to believe all he wished, and then departing to his own 


* Captain Gardner says, “ They were servants in my own camp of Artillery, and 
were five in number. Two were afterwards privately put to death—two escaped 
to Hindostan.tlie fate of the fifth is unknown. One of the palkee bearers afterwards 
affirmed, that when the prince was put into the palkee, and when he was assisting 
to place him there, he saw that above the right ear there was a wound which 
bled so slightly as only to cause a blotch of blood of about the size of a rupee, 
on the pillow or cloth on which his head rested while he was in the palkee. He 
added, that the blood neither flowed nor trickled in any quantity, before his being 
taken out. Now, it is a curious fact, that when the room was opened, in which his 
corpse was first exposed by the Rajah, blood in great quantity, both in fluid and coa¬ 
gulated pools, was found around the head on the cloth on which the body lay.” 



SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


37 


house, lie convened an assembly of the principal Sirdars, (those 
chiefly whom he feared most) and went over the self-same 
arguments with them also. Thus, though revealing the whole 
to a few, he still kept the matter a secret from the public ! 
He had promised Cliund Kour, during his interview with 
her, that she should reign in the place of her son, but his 
great object was to ensure her silence until the arrival of 
Shere Sing', to whom he had privately written, reminding him 
of his promise, and telling him, that now was the moment— 
that he should ride post by night and day, and arrive quickly. 
Shere Sing arrived, and as soon as he had presented himself, 
the death of the prince was publicly made known, and pre¬ 
parations for his funeral obsequies were made according^. 

Dehan Sing*, well aware that should Chund Kour become 
the sovereign of the Punjaub, it would not be long before 
the only party he now’ really dreaded, (the Scindawallas) 
w'ould hurl both him and his family from the high position 
they then held, speedily endeavored to urge upon the Sirdars the 
necessity of placing Shere Sing on the guddee. With the utmost 
wiliness he pleaded that the turbulent Seiks neither would nor 
could be ruled by a woman ; and that he felt it would be utterly 
impossible for him to act with or consult a woman on affairs 
of importance. Some were for this, others again against it; 
however Shere Sing was by the minister installed in state 
and proclaimed the reigning monarch. Although Chund Kour 
and her party strenuously opposed this movement, still for 
the time the minister had his way; and with his usual tact, 
he was soon enabled to win the army over to his side. The 
Scindawalla family and Rajah Goolaub Sing espoused, in ap¬ 
pearance at least, the cause of Chund Kour:—for it is a well 
known fact that in all important intrigues, it was the policy of 
the two brothers, by appearing to divide, to side with and lead 
the two opposing parties. Goolaub Sing came from Jummoo to 
head the party of Chund Kour, who, as it had been promised 


38 


SECRET HISTORY Of THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


by both the brothers that she should be placed on the guddee 
at the death of her son, considered her right and title as just; 
and though the minister had broken faith with her, she placed 
such entire trust in Rajah Goolaub and his promises, that 
she held full and confident hopes of ultimate success. 

Thus now the Court was divided into two parties, each 
breathing destruction against the other, when all of a sudden the 
minister, apparently seeing that he alone could not stand out 
against all the Sirdars, requested Shere Sing to desist for a while 
from his purpose, and sending him back to his jag-hire, bid him 
wait until (as he said) he should be able to bring over all the 
troops to his side, and thus place him upon the g-uddee without 
opposition. Shere Sing, accordingly, accompanied only by a 
small body of his own troops, was induced to leave Lahore, 
while the minister on his part left for Jummoo, but not until he 
had made arrangements for engaging the army and its officers 
to side with him. The real object of this movement, evidently, 
was that Dehan Sing- and Goolaub Sing might the better 
concert their plans, and with the greater probability of ensuring- 
success. 

For about thirty days Dehan Sing- remained at Jummoo, 
during- which time the emissaries he had left at Lahore secretly 
to ply the Seik soldiery, had so well played their part as to 
have received promises from the different corps that as soon 
as the minister and Shere Sing should present themselves at 
Lahore, they would place the latter upon the throne. These 
promises were given on consideration that the army should 
receive an increase of pay, together with large presents—terms 
which only were afterwards partially fulfilled. 

At length, when the soldiery were considered as ripe for the 
purpose, letters were forwarded to Rajah Dehan, informing 
him that he might now safely advance and bring Shere Sing- 
along with him to Lahore. Jewalla Sing (Shere Sing’s mooktear) 
was in the meantime intriguing with the soldiery, in order 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


39 


that they might place his master on the throne without the 
aid of the Dogra faction. His object in pursuing this line 
of policy was the hope that by this means he himself might attain 
to the Wuzeership. Shere Sing himself considered this to be 
the best and most feasible plan for attainiug his purpose; 
but yet he stood in too great a dread of the Rajah’s interest 
and power, not to flatter him by the most solemn protestations 
that he considered the object in view could only be attained 
through his instrumentality. Thus while on the one hand he 
was assuring the minister of his reliance upon him alone— 
he had on the other hand actually given Jewalla Sing a written 
promise, that in case the Khalsa troops agreed to and succeeded 
in the capture of Lahore and the ejection of Chund Kour and 
her party, without the aid of Rajah Dehan Sing*, he (Jewalla 
Sing) should be appointed Wuzeer. While matters were thus 
progressing, Dehan Sing sent a notice to Shere Sing that 
every thing had now been so far settled with the army as to 
warrant his at once proceeding to Lahore, at the same time 
advising him to approach the city by the Shalimar Gardens, 
at which place the minister agreed to meet him. This step 
however he deemed it prudent not to^take, certainly not until he 
knew how the Seik army was disposed towards Shere Sing on 
his approach to the city. 

Not suspecting the Rajah’s intentions, Shere Sing, with about 
three hundred of his followers, left Koonoowan (his usual sport¬ 
ing residence) and marched for the city. On his arrival at the 
Shalimar Gardens, he felt at first somewhat disappointed and 
astonished to learn that Rajah Dehan Sing had (up to that 
moment) not even left Jummoo. This suspicious conduct of 
the Rajah’s was immediately regarded by Jewalla Sing and his 
friends as furnishing a good opportunity for Shere Sing to 
induce the Khalsa troops to march against the city without 
loss of time. The plan was supported by the argument that 
Shere Sing could now, by a quick movement and a vigorous 


40 


SECRET HISTORY OF T1IE LAHORE DURBAR. 


attack so surprize the city as to make it an easy conquest, 
while Chund Kour and her adherents, panic struck by the 
revolt of the army, would be g*lad to give up the keys of the 
fortress even before Dehan Sing’ could possibly arrive. Shere 
Sing* accordingly sent emissaries to the army then encamp¬ 
ed at Meean Meer to acquaint them with his arrival and 
immediate intentions. On this the troops sent him word to 
come the next day, and publicly to encamp at Buddhoo-ka- 
ava—an old brick kiln, on the top of which General Avitabile 
has erected a Bara Deree or house surrounded by a defen¬ 
sive wall. This house had for some time been considered 
and employed as the rendezvous of the Punches* of the 
army in general, whenever any assembly was convened for 
the purposes of business. This spot was now considered 
the most fit for Shere Sing to encamp on, as he would there 
be in the midst of the troops, and his right and title to the 
guddee could be fearlessly proclaimed, and if necessary, means 
be taken to enforce his immediate enthronement. There was, 
however, a party in the army who desired the presence of Rajah 
Dehan, he having in a measure become the security for the 
fulfilment of all the promises made to the troops—and being 
known as a man of wealth and interest—qualities which Shere 
Sing did not possess at all. Jewalla Sing soon managed, 
however, to satisfy, or at all events silence, this party, and 
accordingly on the next morning Shere Sing took up his 
position at Baddhoo-ka-ava—where the whole of the Pun¬ 
ches and a large number of the officers of the Khalsa army 
came and paid their respects to him, and then publicly pro¬ 
claimed him as the sovereign of the country. To insure his 


* These Punches or deputies of the troops were men who by superior ability 
or cunning had secured an influence over their comrades, and who were encou¬ 
raged to undertake the office as much by the expectation of the numerous presents 
which fell to their share, as by the importance which it gave them in the eyes of 
others. Their anger being dreaded by all, their favour,, individually and collectively, 
was courted by high and low alike. 



SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


41 


safety four battalions of infantry and two of cavalry with, several 
pieces of artillery were quickly stationed around the mound, 
while a heavy discharge of cannon as a salute proclaimed to 
the startled citizens of Lahore—now roused to a sense of their 
danger—the intention of the army to support Shere Sing. 

Rajah Goolaub Sing, who ever since the death of No Nehal 
Sing, had in a manner publicly avowed his intentions to favour 
the claims of Chund Kour, was considered the head and main 
spring of her cause. Rajah Heera Sing, the eldest son of 
Dehan Sing, was likewise of her party, and while he remained 
in Lahore made it appear that he had joined his uncle against 
his father—a deep-laid scheme to save appearances, a trick 
which the wily brothers of Jummoo had often played before. 
The intent of this manoeuvre was, that by ostensibly becoming 
enemies to each other, and by the appearance of opposition 
in their political views, they were enabled to become the leaders 
and controllers of the contending parties, whereby their object 
was secured whichever side was successful, and they were 
enabled by their private agreement to direct the current of 
affairs more entirely to suit their own intentions and advantage. 
However, from this it may be inferred that Rajah Dehan Sing 
did not leave his brothers at Lahore without a proper ar¬ 
rangement with them as to the part each had to play in the 
tragic drama that was about to be performed. Rajah Goolaub 
was well aware of the moment when Shere Sing was to leave 
Koonoowan for Lahore, as well as of the real disposition 
of the Khalsa towards him. But it was only on the day on 
which Shere Sing arrived at Shalimar that Goolaub seemed to 
have the slightest notion of his approach or of the intentions 
of the army. 


a 



CHAPTER II. 


THE SIEGE OF LAHORE BY SHERE SING. 


On hearing that Shere Sing had arrived at Shalimar, 
Goolaub Sing consulted with Chund Kour and the chiefs 
who supported her cause, namely, Jemadar Khoosheeal Sing*, 
Sirdar Teja Sing, and the several members of the Scin- 
dawalla family, most of whom he had probably himself 
gained and enlisted on her side, that they might be caught 
in the snare which was laid for their destruction. After this 
consultation he sent orders for all his own household troops, 
then encamped at Shahdera, to cross the river immediately and 
to encamp on the parade ground adjacent to and to the north 
of the Soomun Booij of the fort. These troops had scarcely 
reached the spot appointed, when they received further orders 
to march to the attack of Shere Sing and his partizans in their 
position at Shalimar. The force sent on this service was com¬ 
posed chiefly of Rajah Delian Sing’s own troops! It consisted 
of two small battalions, with ten Horse Artillery guns, belonging 
to that chief, one battalion belonging to his brother and avowed 
confederate Rajah Suchet Sing, and one belonging to his other 
brother and concealed ally Rajah Goolaub Sing, in all about two 
thousand men and ten guns! This Dogra force had not proceeded 
half a mile towards Shalimar, when Goolaub himself, attended by 
about a hundred horse, gallopedup to them, ordered them instantly 
to countermarch, and returning with them at a rapid pace, hur¬ 
ried the whole into the Hazooree Bagh or palace garden, and 


8IEGE OF LAHORE. 


43 


with this force immediately occupied the whole fort, stating as 
his reason for the measure that the whole Klialsa army had 
declared in favour of Shere Sing, and that it would he madness 
to proceed with so small a force against that prince, supported 
as he w'as by at least sixty thousand men. 

Although Goolaub Sing up to the moment when the struggle 
actually commenced, believed that Shere Sing was too much 
under the influence of Rajah Behan to venture on any thing like 
open hostility during his absence and without his concur¬ 
rence, he was aware that the prince, strongly supported by the 
whole Khalsa, might he induced to make a vigorous effort to 
gain his point by private negotiations, and without the aid of 
his principal but still absent supporter Behan Sing. Goolaub 
was too old a pupil in Runjeet’s school not to be able to see 
through the schemes of Jewalla Sing and the duplicity of 
Shere Sing. He was likewise well aware that his brother in 
his letters to the prince merely advised him to proceed towards 
Lahore and to encamp at Shalimar, where the whole or most 
of the troops would go out to him, and where he might 
strengthen himself and act according to circumstances, but on 
no account to commence open hostilities until his, Behan Sing’s, 
arrival from Jummoo. He promised on these conditions to* 
endeavour by means of his influence with his brother Goolaub 
Sing to obtain for Shere Sing by negotiation the object of his 
wishes, and to give him possession of the throne and the capital 
without a shot being fired. However, contrary to the wish and 
expectations of Rajah Goolaub Sing, Shere Sing early on the 
following morning took up a position at Bhoodhoo ka Ava, and 
thereby convinced the Bogra chief of his determination at 
once to attack the city and fort in the absence and without th * 
concurrence of Behan Sing. Goolaub saw clearly that his suc¬ 
cess in this enterprise, independent of the aid of his party, would 
be a deathblow to the hopes of himself, his family, and friends. 
He therefore determined to oppose to the last any attack made 


44 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


by the prince, and not to listen to any terms till the arrival of 
his brother Dehan Sing on the scene of action. He would then, 
as previously arranged, after some show of negotiation, yield to 
the influence of Dehan Sing, so as to make it appear to Shere 
Sing that he entirely owed his elevation to that chief and his 
party. 

Having thus taken up a threatening position at Bhoodhoo 
ka Ava, Shere Sing and the Khalsa troops busied themselves 
in preparation, for ’an immediate and vigorous attack on 
Lahore. This day’s work, however, cost the prince nearly all 
the money he had brought with him, together with all that 
he could borrow, and which he had to bestow upon the troops 
in gifts ere he could bring them into train for the approach¬ 
ing conflict. On the other side Goolaub Sing the same morning 
convened a large assemblage of the friends and supporters 
of Chund Kour in the Soomun Boorj, to whom he depicted 
in the most lively colours the greatness of the coming danger, 
and exhorted them to be faithful and courageous in the cause of 
the princess, confirming the allegiance of waverers by adminis¬ 
tering an oath of constancy. After this a private consultation 
was held by Rajah Goolaub Sing, Jemadar Khoosheeal Sing, 
Sirdar Teja Sing, and the heads of the Scindawalla family. 
Here Goolaub Sing earnestly enjoined the chiefs to enter the 
fort immediately with their troops and to put the place in a 
posture of defence, as it was quite uncertain when the attack 
might be made. The Scindawalla chiefs answered that they 
had already done what the Rajah now advised, while Jemadar 
Khoosheeal Sing, Sirdar Teja Sing and others declared their 
readiness to act on his suggestion at a moment’s notice. 

On the evening of this day Goolaub Sing, mounted on an 
elephant, went amongst and reviewed and inspected the troops, 
and saw that every gateway and bastion round the city was 
properly secured and provided for defence. He took with 
him on this visit many large bags of money, which he liberally 


SIEGE OF LAHORE. 


45 


distributed in handfuls to the soldiers at the different posts, 
receiving in return strong assurances that at whatever point 
Shere Sing might make the assault he should be vigorously 
opposed and repelled. The Rajah on returning from this 
tour again entered the fort, and sending for the officers and 
men of the different divisions of artillery then in the city, 
himself in person administered an oath to each one individually, 
—the Mahomedans on the Koran, and the Hindoos on the water 
of the Ganges—that they would to the last resist any attack 
made by Shere Sing on the fort or the city. After this cere¬ 
mony had been performed each officer and man received, and 
with at least seeming thankfulness, four months’ pay, as a gra¬ 
tuity from Chund Kour; this with promises of further favours 
being considered sufficient to bind the whole to the cause of 
the princess. When this business was completed, which 
was at a late hour of the night, every man repaired to his post, 
and soon the fort and city of Lahore were to all appearance 
buried in slumber, too soon to awake to scenes of tumult and 
bloodshed. 

About an hour and a half or two hours before day break the 
Dogra sentinels stationed along the ramparts of that part of 
the fort which faces the city, reported that large bodies of 
horse with lighted matches had passed along the road leading 
towards the artillery barracks of Sultan Mahomed and 
Meva Sing, or towards the Badshahi Musjid, and that they 
seemed to have entered the city by the Yakkee and Delhi gates. 
The sentries thought, moreover, from the conversation which 
they had overheard that Shere Sing must then have entered 
the city. This w~as soon ascertained to be the fact, with 
the only difference that the prince had by previous arrange¬ 
ments entered at a wicket gate which then existed in Meva 
Sing’s barracks and close to and west of the Badshahi 
Musjid, while the large bodies of cavalry which supported 
him, entered, first by the Yakkee and Delhi gates, and after- 


46 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


wards by the Tunksallee and other gates. It then appeared 
that the guards and keepers of the gates all round the city, 
after having on the previous evening accepted large sums as 
presents from Goolaub Sing, and sworn to be faithful to 
Chund Kour, had, on the receipt of somewhat more valuable 
gifts from the other side, transferred their service and allegiance 
to Shere Sing, to whom, in virtue of this agreement, the gates 
were quietly opened at the time appointed. 

Thus before daylight Shere Sing was not only in possession 
of four or five of the principal gatewa} r s of the city, but 
had actually entered the place in person with about two thousand 
infantry, while about five thousand cavalry had gone in by the 
gates, and all assembled quietly and privately in the open 
space now included in Meva Sing’s artillery barracks. Shere 
Sing himself took up his quarters for the time in Meva Sing’s own 
house, which was close to the wicket by which he had 
entered the city. Thus proceeding as silently and quietly as 
possible, the prince before day was, by means of further bribes, 
in possession of both the gateways leading into the Hazooree 
Bagh, as also of the Badshahi Musjid and the large magazine 
which was then in that edifice. 

While matters were thus proceeding outside, Rajah Goolaub 
Sing concentrated his Dogra troops in the upper fort and made 
all requisite preparations for whatever might occur. He also 
sent directions to Jemadar Khoosheeal Sing and Sirdar Teja Sing 
to repair to the fort with such men as they could command, 
but for reasons best known to themselves, these chiefs on various 
pretences and excuses declined to comply with the Rajah’s re¬ 
quest. There were about twelve hundred Seiks on duty in the 
fort before the Dogra force entered; they were the two bat¬ 
talions in charge of the treasury called the Mootee Mundur, 
and were under the command of Boodh Sing Maun. These 
Seiks perceiving the course which affairs were taking, showed 
some inclination to become mutinous, and even went so far as 


SIEGE OF LAHORE. 


47 


to threaten the Dogra intruders with destruction. Indeed it i3 
probable that they would have attempted to carry their 
threats into execution had not there been just light enough for 
them to see four guns heavily loaded with grape, and with 
matches lighted, ready to open upon them. This spectacle in¬ 
duced them to remaim quiet and to become more civil to their 
unwelcome visitors; and their only thought now was how to 
get safe out of the fort. They asked Rajah Goolaub for 
leave to withdraw, and he for obvious reasons readily granted 
it. But it was too late for them to retreat, the fierce strife for 
which so many secret and silent preparations had been made, 
was about to begin. 

As day dawned upon Lahore the watchers on the ram¬ 
parts of the fort heard the tramp and murmur of the 
advancing Khalsa army as it marched in at the several 
g’ates of the city. The increasing light then showed a cloud of 
dust raised by the tread of the advancing thousands, and which 
threw a lurid and ominous gloom on all around. Presently 
the fierce cries of some seventy thousand wild infantry, and 
perhaps fifty thousand still more savage followers attracted 
by the scent of plunder, rent the air in loud acclamations. 
Above all was heard the Seik war cry —Wall Gooroojee ho Fat - 
teh! Walt Gooroo jee ho Khalsajee! as the host, disdaining 
further attempts at secrecy, advanced to the assault. The small 
and silent band on the walls of the fort calmly beheld the ap¬ 
proach of the dense columns of infantry, the squadrons of caval¬ 
ry, and more fearful than all, the enormous train of the Khalsa 
artillery. The entire circuit of the fort now presented a closely 
wedged mass of men, forming close up to the very walls. 
Presently the artillery was drawn into position, and coolly un¬ 
limbered ready to open its terrible fire on the devoted place. 
The number of guns was so great that they formed as it were 
one entire and connected battery round the fort; and yet others, 
for want of room in the first rank, had to take up positions in 


48 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


the rear, or to fire from wherever space could be found to 
work them. Calmly and silently the besieged viewed these 
formidable preparations for the assault. They had merely 
closed the two gates, the one leading into the Hazooree Bagli 
and the other towards the eastern verge of the city; but 
inside each of these g'ates they had placed two guns loaded with 
grape. They also manned the walls as well as their numbers 
would allow with the men of the Dogra or Pliirman batta¬ 
lion, who lay concealed, ready to deal out destruction on the 
dense masses below. At this time the Hazooree Bagh was 
thronged with a motley multitude of Gorchars, or troopers, 
Akalees, Infantry, Cavalry, and Artillery. Shere Sing himself 
took up his position in a marble summer house in the middle 
of the garden, and by his personal and repeated orders a space in 
front of the gateway of the fort was cleared with much diffi¬ 
culty, and twelve guns were placed so as to bear on the wooden 
portals, at a distance of not more than thirty-five or forty 
yards in front of them. 

The scene at this moment was of a strange and fearful charac¬ 
ter,—the dense mass of fierce men heaving to and fro almost 
up to the walls of the fort like an angry sea beating against a rock. 
The tumult of their wild music and still wilder cries as the host 
clamoured to be led to the attack was stunning. Soon however, 
the horror took another form. The entire circle of guns—about 
two hundred and thirty pieces of artillery—simultaneously 
opened a fire of blank cartridge. This was done probably in 
the expectation of terrifying the defenders of the fort, 
but if so about fifty rounds from each gun were thrown away 
to no purpose. The effect, however, of this firing was awful, 
stunning all, besieged as well as besiegers, and shaking the 
fort even to the old foundations laid by the Emperor Akbar. At 
length the firing ceased suddenly, and then ensued a calm and 
silence so profound that the stillness was not less awful than 
the previous uproar. Not a sound, not a whisper was heard on 


SIEGE OF LAHORE. 


49 


either side as the besiegers waited to ascertain the effect of this 
singular assault. Then the twelve guns pointed at the Hazooree 
Bagh gate were quietly loaded,—ball cartridge with a canister of 
grape driven home over it. The matches were lit and ready to 
hurl destruction on the feeble portals. Loud and savage voices 
were heard, fiercely demanding the opening of the gate. But 
the call was unheeded :—immediately then the twelve guns were 
fired at once, and the old wooden gate, with thirty-seven out of 
thirty-nine men placed inside to defend it, fell before the terrible 
discharge. The two guns loaded with grape were now all that 
opposed the entrance of the beseigers, and there was left but one 
out of sixteen artillerymen to fire them. The besieged were 
panic struck for a moment by the fatal effect of the enemy’s 
fire. At this instant a band of two or three hundred Akalees 
rushed forward over the ruins of the gate and the bodies of its 
fallen defenders. One of them had advanced so far that he was 
able to thrust his sword into the muzzle of one of the guns, by 
way of taking possession of it, when the sole remaining artillery 
man, with a little khalassie who attended on him, fired the two 
guns at once, and nearly a hundred corpses fell out of the mass 
of men that was rushing forward. The assailants recoiled for 
a moment before this close and withering fire, and the defenders 
of the gate were enabled to load and fire their guns again with 
as destructive an effect as before. Thus the twelve guns drawn 
up before the gate were almost unmanned, and the greater 
number of their horses were killed. This first gleam of suc¬ 
cess for the besieged was heightened by the promptitude with 
which the Dogra men, without awaiting orders from Rajah 
Goolaub Sing, poured their fire of musketry from the walls upon 
the confused mass below. The effect was that in about ten 
minutes the Hazooree Bagh was cleared of the besiegers, who 
left behind them about three hundred killed, one hundred 
wounded, and about fifty prisoners taken by a sally of the Dogras 
sword in hand. During the confusion Shere Sing escaped from 


ii 


50 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


the garden back to his former quarters in the barracks of Meva 
Sing, and he thought it prudent to keep himself out ^ of liarms- 
way during the remainder of the siege. 

While all this was passing in the Hazooree Bagh, the eastern 
gateway was attacked in a similar manner, but by only 
six guns instead of twelve. The first fire beat down the gate 
and killed eleven men inside, but the return fire of the two 
guns within and the musketry of the Dogras on the ramparts 
above, quickly silenced the assailing battery, killing all the men 
and horses attached to it. The guns were thus left, as in the 
Hazooree Bagh, under the fire of the garrison. 

Thus repulsed in their first attempts, the Khalsa opened 
a heavy and general fire from their artillery all round the 
place, at a distance of not more than sixty or a hundred 
yards. This fire was continued with such vigour and 
rapidity that it threatened the destruction of the old walls, 
which seemed likely to crumble away before it. But the artillery¬ 
men being within the range of small arms, and quite unshel¬ 
tered, fell so fast under the well-directed fire of the garrison 
on the walls, that in about an hour the whole of the formidable 
line was silenced and deserted. The Dogras on the ramparts 
could now count no less than one hundred and forty-six guns 
with none but dead and wounded men, horses, and bullocks 
around them, and so completely commanded by their fire that 
none dared to approach them. This sight had the effect of in¬ 
spiriting and encouraging the besieged ; and the besiegers 
retired to a more respectful distance, sheltering themselves 
behind and in the houses of the city. Thirty-six guns of large 
calibre belonging to the division of Sultan Mahomed were 
the last to be silenced by the fire from the fort, the artillery¬ 
men having hit upon an ingenious but barbarous method 
of protecting themselves. They had seized and taken by 
force many women of the city, courtezans and others, and com¬ 
pelling them to stand in front of and around their guns, some 


SIEGE OF LAHORE. 


51 


of them actually bound to the wheels, the Dogras in their 
.gallantry to the sex or their pity for the individuals, averted 
their fire, and thus the Seiks by this cruel stratagem were 
enabled to continue their’s in perfect safety. But at length the 
Dogras found that the fire of these guns, thus strangely protected, 
was not only making sad havoc in their ranks, but was likely 
to bring down a portion of their defences ; they therefore re¬ 
luctantly set to work to silence these as they had done the others 
by a vigorous return. Even now, however, greatly to the credit 
of their gallantry and humanity be it said, they took all possible 
care to avoid injuring the wretched women, aiming with their 
best skill to strike their enemies without hitting their involun¬ 
tary protectors. The best proof, not only of their kind feel¬ 
ing but of their skill as marksmen, is the fact that of a thousand 
or twelve hundred women who were thus barbarously exposed, only 
nineteen lost their lives, while not less than one hundred and 
eighty-six of the artillerymen were shot down at their guns. 

The rest of that day was passed in comparative quiet, which 
afforded to the little garrison an opportunity, of which they 
were not slow to avail themselves, for repairing as well as they 
could the damage done, and for strengthening their defences 
in anticipation of a renewed attack. They were, however, 
exposed throughout the day to a desultory and almost harmless 
fire from the Seiks, who had taken up secure positions in and 
behind the houses of the city; and some of the guns which had 
from the commencement of the fray been blocked up in narrow 
passages and lying unemployed, were now, under cover of houses 
and walls, dragged off to a distance and brought to bear upon 
the defences of the fort. By favour of the darkness the Seiks 
managed also to haul up their deserted artillery, but not without 
considerable loss from the watchful garrison. The guns were 
placed in houses and behind walls, and pointed on the place 
through embrasures made for the occasion; and thus the Seiks 
awaited for the day to renew the assault. 


52 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


About four in the morning a tremendous cannonade was 
opened from the concealed batteries. The garrison were unable 
to return this fire with any effect, from the fact that the fort 
had no embrasures through which they could point their guns. 
The place, built originally by the Emperor Akbar merely as a 
temporary residence for himself and his family, was never fur¬ 
nished with the means of defence by the aid of artillery, and 
possessed nothing more than loop-holes for musketry. The gar¬ 
rison now, however, endeavoured to overcome this defect by 
breaking out embrasures in the ramparts; but they soon found 
that this was impracticable, and the attempt dangerous from 
the frail nature of the masonry, which, old and decayed, came 
down in masses from the shock of their own guns. In two 
instances not only were guns thus buried under heaps of ruins, 
but some lives were lost. They then resorted to the expedient 
of erecting batteries of wood and earth within the fort, and 
knocking down the wall in front of them—a process in which 
they were much aided by the fire of the besiegers; and thus 
they were enabled to return the fire of the Seiks with consider¬ 
able effect. 

All this time four guns and a part of the garrison was em¬ 
ployed in the indispensible task of keeping quiet the twelve 
hundred Seik troops that had been found in the fort, and who, 
had they not been thus overawed, would have glady created 
a diversion in favour of their friends and comrades outside by 
falling on the strangers within. But they were kept from doing 
injury, and confined to the area of the building called the 
Thuckt or Throne, where they sat silent and sad like so many 
prisoners of war. 

Thus for three successive days and nights was a heavy and 
incessant cannonade kept up by the Seiks upon the place, and 
returned by the garrison to the best of their power. Several 
large breaches were formed, and so perfect were they that 
many of the Dogras of the garrison, during the night, found easy 


SIEGE OF LAHORE. 


53 


egress and ingress through them, when they sallied forth upon 
the besiegers or made their arragements to repulse sudden as¬ 
saults. 

But though the Seik artillery told ruinously on the walls 
and ramparts, it was not nearly so annoying to the garri¬ 
son as the fire of five or six matclilock-men posted on each 
minar of the Badshahi Musjid, and who were thus able 
to command every corner of the place with their destructive 
weapons. These men were Mocliees by caste and hunters by 
profession and remarkable for the certainty of their dead¬ 
ly aim. They were in all about forty in number, and were 
employed by Shere Sing on this occasion, receiving a pay of 
from ten to twenty rupees a day each man. The light artillery 
of the fort was unable to make any sensible impression on the 
towers upon which these death-dealing marksmen were perched, 
and could do nothing more than now and than dislodge a few 
stones from the top. One of the guns' of the place however 
on one occasion tumbled three of these men from their exalted 
and seemingly secure position, just as they had exposed them¬ 
selves to full view while in the act of placing a block of stone 
to serve as a defence from the fire of the Dogra musketeers, 
who were almost as expert in the use of their arms as those 
wild huntsmen themselves, and who engaged heartily in a 
hot rivalry with them at that murderous game. In proof of 
the skill of the hill-men, it may be mentioned, that they killed 
five and wounded eleven of the Mochees thus favourably posted, 
by sending balls through their shoulders and arms, while they 
were in the act of using their ramrods, when alone those parts 
of their bodies and only those were visible to their keen-eyed 
enemies below. 

On the evening of the third day the garrison received infor¬ 
mation that the large drains and water-courses leading from 
the fort into the ditch had been charged with powder and were 
to be exploded as mines at night-fall. They thereupon opened 


64 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


a heavy fire on the suspected points, while parties of Dogras* 
went in and abstracted all the powder, filling the mouths of 
the drains with earth, &c. On the same night, by an acci¬ 
dental circumstance it was discovered that a considerable part 
of the fort was undermined on the side next the Hazooree 
Bagh and near what is called the Goolab Khana. Beneath 
the walls in that direction several old caves and hollow places 
existed, and the besiegers entering these places under cover of 
night had formed extensive mines under the fort. In car¬ 
rying on these operations the miners broke into a low subter¬ 
raneous room in the fort, in which a party of Sultan Mahomed’s 
artillery were ensconced; this caused an alarm and a discovery, 
and the besiegers were not without some trouble expelled, losing 
forty-seven workmen and about fifty soldiers, most of whom 
were killed by the bursting of shells thrown by hand into these 
vaults and passages. 

On the following meaning intelligence was given to the garri¬ 
son that Shere Sing in person had taken up his position in the 
Badsliahi Musjid. They thereupon formed a scheme for 
blowing him and the building into the air, and made their pre¬ 
parations accordingly. It was well known to them that the 
Musjid contained a large magazine of powder stored in wooden 
boxes, skins, &c. This they wished to explode, if possible, by 
means of shells and red hot shot; but just as they were about to 
commence operations, they received information which induced 
them to desist, being told that though there were at least five 
thousand maunds of powder in the Musjid, there were certain 
subterranean passages communicating between that edifice and 
the fort, which were also filled with powder, and terminated 
in other vaults or magazines of powder beneath the fort 
itself. 

Towards evening on the fifth day of the siege, intelligence 
was received of the approach of Rajah Delian Sing, who had ar¬ 
rived from Jummoo. This induced Shere Sing to order that the 


SIEGE OF LAHORE. 


55 


fire on tlie place sliould cease, while he endeavoured to negotiate 
with Rajah Goolaub Sing*. That chief, however, on overtures 
being made, refused to treat, alleging, that he could not think of 
negotiating until his brother made his appearance and consent¬ 
ed to become a mediator in the affair. This determined answer, 
together with the great loss which the besiegers had sustained 
without any success to counterbalance it, induced Sliere Sing 
to send a deputation to Delian Sing, who was coolly amusing 
himself hunting the wild boar, some three or four miles from 
Slialidera. The messengers were instructed to tender a sort 
of apology for what had occurred, to make excuses on behalf 
of Sliere Sing, for the part which he had played in the tragedy, 
and to endeavour to persuade Delian, that the untoward events 
which had occurred originated only in the rashness and obstinate 
disobedience of the Seik troops, who were described as in a 
state of mutiny and resolutely bent or avenging their slaughter¬ 
ed comrades. Dehan Sing and his younger brother Suchet 
Sing, however, were not to be thus pacified. They publicly 
taxed Shere Sing with falsehood and duplicity, and declared 
that he might now take the fort, if he could, for himself,— 
that he might go on freely expending the Khalsa troops and 
his own money for another month if he liked, with little hope of 
eventual success; but that they could no longer consent to be 
security for him to the army, or assure him against the con¬ 
sequences when he should no longer be able to satisfy the 
demands of the soldiers for money, as they found that during 
the past few days between four and five lakhs of rupees had 
been expended in vain attempts to satisfy the mob of armed 
men. By these representations Shere Sing was brought to 
consider the matter more seriously than he had hitherto done. 
During this evening and in the night he repeatedly ordered a 
total cessation of hostilities ; but the Seiks would not now listen 
to him, declaring that they could never desist until the fort was 
razed to the ground, and all the garrison slain in revenge for 


56 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

the death of so many of their comrades. But Dehan Sing’s 
agents persuaded Shere Sing- that this was hut the pretext 
of the Seik troops, whose real object was to take the fort by 
assault, and to indulge their long-cherished desire to plunder 
the treasury which it contained. These and similar persuasions 
and advices induced Shere Sing to take the affair into his seri¬ 
ous consideration ; and during the night he sent five hundred 
of his best and most faithful Gorechars, or cavalry, to Dehan 
Sing, accompanied by several chiefs, who in the most humble 
manner and on behalf of Shere Sing, craved pardon for what 
had been done amiss, and entreated Dehan Sing to accompany 
them to the city, where Shere Sing was waiting Jiis appearance 
in the greatest anxiety and suspense. On receiving this humble 
message, both theDogra brothers, Dehan Sing and Suchet Sing, 
with about five hundred of their own adherents, who had 
accompanied them from Jummoo, and the body of cavalry sent 
by Shere Sing, appoached Lahore on the sixth day of the 
siege. As they came near the walls, Shere Sing with a strong 
escort and numerous retinue went out in person to meet them 
and to conduct them into the city, assigning as his reason for 
guarding their persons so carefully, that the troops just now 
entertained hostile feelings against every one who bore the designa¬ 
tion of a Dogra. On meeting Dehan Sing, Shere Sing actu¬ 
ally humbled himself so far as with bare feet and joined hands to 
entreat forgiveness for what was past, which he declared again 
was not through any fault of his. Dehan Sing, knowing well 
how to treat the prince, at first affected a cold and haughty 
demeanour; and in a severe tone he told Shere Sing that he, 
the prince, had more need to fear the Khalsa troops than himself 
had. He remarked further that as Shere Sing- acknowledged 
that he could not manage the soldiery, he would show him what 
he himself could do in that way. lie then galloped off, attend¬ 
ed by only ten or twelve horsemen into the midst of the Seik 
multitude then collected outside the Tanksallee gateway to 


SIEGE OF LAHORE. 


57 


witness his entry into the city. The soldiers received him with 
loud acclamation, and while Shere Sing' followed at some 
distance, Dehan Sing entered Lahore among a crowd of Seik 
troops, who saw in his arrival the hope of further bribes and 
presents. The Rajah flattered and pleased the soldiers around 
him by expressing his sorrow at their loss, and the small return 
they were likely to obtain, assuring them that had his advice 
been taken not a drop of blood would have been spilt, while their 
object would have been obtained in one short day. He said, 
however, that if they would not be too hasty now, he had 
the strongest hopes of being able to put every thing to rights 
yet, and of seeing every man of them well rewarded for his 
loyalty and devotion. By these arts, Dehan Sing, before 
two hours had elapsed from the time of his arrival had worked 
himself into the confidence of the Seiks so far that a cessation 
of hostilities ensued, and every one looked upon him as the 
man by whose friendly mediation alone peace could be restored. 
Negotiations began that same evening, and in the morning of the 
seventh day since the commencement of the siege the Seiks found, 
as they had not done before, time and opportunity to collect and 
burn or bury their dead, and to clear the city and the Hazooree 
Bagh of the carcases of cattle and horses with which they were 
strewn. The return showed that on the side of the besiegers 4786 
men, 610 horses, and 320 bullocks had been killed; while the 
loss of the garrison did not in killed and wounded exceed 130 
men. During these seven days, the Dogras of the garrison 
had received from Goolaub Sing as presents from himself, and 
Chund Kour, various sums amounting in the aggregate to 
about one hundred rupees for each private soldier, the officers 
being* rewarded still more liberally. 

One or two other incidents which occurred during this short 
and vigorous siege may be here mentioned. The Seiks, under 
the pretence of procuring wood for the erection of batteries, 
or out-works for the protection of their guns, dismantled nearly 

i 


58 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


half the houses in the city, and committed excesses almost 
incredible and perfectly indescribable. Even had Shere Sing 
interfered to prevent these atrocities, he had not the power 
to enforce his command. The people thronged in crowds 
to witness the operations of the siege, and might be seen 
daily in numbers seated, in seeming unconsciousness of danger, 
on the walls and roofs of houses and in other places within 
the range of muskets from tbe fort. But as the garrison 
knew by their appearance that they were not of the enemy, they 
never received any molestation. 

On the seventh and eighth days, when the Seiks were 
engaged in burning their dead who were consumed in large 
heaps, they were seen to throw upon the pile some who were 
merely wounded and still alive. These poor wretches implored 
their mercy but in vain, their cries and entreaties were 
answered with jeering inquiries, if they were afraid to go 
to heaven—“ Biia cherjou, cheijou,—kee kofe ounda ? ”— 
“ Mount, brother, mount, what are you afraid of ? ” The object 
of the soldiers in committing these barbarities was merety 
to secure the little property they found on the persons of 
their murdered comrades,—for this petty incitement they 
were ready to commit atrocities so horrible ! 

When negotiations began on the seventh day of the seige, 
Rajah Heera Sing and the Scindawallah chiefs came out of 
the Soomun Boorj, where they had remained with a few follow¬ 
ers, for the purpose, as they said, of affording protection to 
the princess Chund Kour. Rajah Goolaub now found little 
difficulty in inducing this lady to agree in the views and designs 
of himself and his brother. She implored him to become the 
protector of her person and rights, formally nominating him 
as her mooktear or agent, and committing all her interests 
into his hands. He thus procured from Shere Sing and the 
army terms for her and her supporters more favourable than they 
could otherwise have obtained ; in this, however, as might 


SIEGE OF LAHORE. 


69 


be expected, he sought his own advantage and that of his 
family and faction much more than that of his client. The 
conditions on which it was agreed that the fort of Lahore 
should be given up and Chund Kour resign her claims to 
the guddee, were, first, a jaghire of nine lakhs for the princess 
—Kuddee Kuddeealee was the place named, adjoining the 
Jummoo states—and Goolaub Sing was to have the manage¬ 
ment of it for her;—second, that as it was the Ranee’s wish 
to live as the faithful widow of Ivurruck Sing, Shere Sing 
should never make any pretensions to her hand ;—third, that 
the Dogra garrison of the fort should be allowed to march 
out unmolested and with flying colours;—and fourth, that 
security should be given for the due fulfilment of these 
conditions. 

In obtaining a jaghire of nine lakhs of rupees per 
annum in the part of the country adjoining his own domi¬ 
nions, under pretence of holding it for Chund Kour, the 
chief of Jummoo secured an object of no small consideration 
with him; while by the lady being allowed to continue in 
a state of widowhood he was secured in quiet possession of 
the advantages thus obtained. Eventually, however, the Rajah 
secured to himself not only this jaghire hut almost all the 
lady’s money and valuables, which under the pretence of 
safely keeping for her, he carried off to Jummoo. 

Matters being satisfactorily arranged, it was settled that the 
Dogra garrison should leave the fort on the evening of the 
eighth day. In preparation for this movement, Goolaub 
Sing employed himself in filling his tumbrils and waggons, 
sixteen in number, with silver money, allowing only thirty 
rounds of ammunition for each gun, to be used is case of 
emergency. Furthermore, a bag of gold mohurs was en¬ 
trusted to the care of each of five hundred of his most 
faithful adherents; and again, a quantity of jewellery and valu¬ 
able trinkets was delivered to the charge of his own orderly 


60 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


Gorchars or mounted body guard. Then taking- with him 
twelve of the best horses that had been in Runjeet 
Sing’s stud, and many valuable articles of pushmeena, &c., 
Goolaub Sing at the head of his men marched quietly out 
of the fort after dark on the evening of the eighth day. 
The clause in the capitulation which allowed the garrison 
to depart with all the honors of war was not taken advantage 
of, Goolaub fearing, and with but too much show of reason, 
that the Seiks, instigated by their own revengeful feelings, 
or the machinations of Jewalla Sing, might fall upon the little 
band when it was unable to protect itself and plunder and 
perhaps murder them all. As it was, however, the Dogra 
force without molestation reached the bank of the Ravee oppo¬ 
site Shahderah and there encamped for two days. During 
this time Goolaub Sing went to pay his respects to the new 
Maharajah, Shere Sing, to whom with his own hand he deli¬ 
vered as a token of homage and as a propitiatory gift, the great 
diamond called Koh-i-noor, which he had contrived to secure. 
On the occasion of this interview he endeavoured to impress 
on Shere Sing a sense of his own loyalty and patriotism, 
declaring that he now had at much risk and trouble to himself 
secured for the new Maharajh, the treasures of the state which but 
for his exertions would have been plundered by the Seik soldiery 
and the rabble. To this he added, that being a Rajpoot and 
an old servant of Runjeet Sing, his gallantry and loyalty 
alike engaged him to protect the person and reputation of 
Chund Kour, the virtuous widow of Kurruck Sing, and daugh- 
ter-in-law to the great Maharajh himself. Thus he made 
the best use of some four or five hours which passed during 
his interview with Shere Sing, and next day crossing the 
Ravee to Shahdera, with the whole of his force he took up as 
strong a position as he could find, and sent to Jummoo for a 
re-inforcement of two thousand of his best troops. He took 
these precautions because he found that the Khalsa troops were 


SIEGE OF LAHORE. 


61 


becoming utterly uncontrollable by the power of Shere Sing, 
and he had reason to apprehend that at the instigation of Jewal- 
la Sing they would even yet attack him. He found, too, that at 
the instigation of the same chief, Shere Sing had enticed many 
of his troops to desert, and on his learning this fact he obtained 
leave of absence, through the interest of his brother Dehan 
Sing, the Wuzeer, and marched to Jummoo with his whole 
force. 

The deep policy of the Jummoo brothers was now beginning 
to develope itself. They had got rid of the unfortunate Kur- 
ruck Sing, and of his active and ambitious son, No Nehal 
Sing; the Ranee Chund Kour had been set aside, and Shere 
Sing was placed on the throne simply that he might be the 
more completely in the power of these his worst enemies. It now 
only remained to dispose of the new Maharajh, to replace whom 
Dehan Sing had in his hands a young child, the reputed though 
not the real son, of Runjeet Sing ;* and then, with the Khalsa 
troops entirely at his command, Rajah Dehan Sing, aided by 
his brothers, would be supreme. 


* The present Maharajh, Dulleep Sing, of whose birth and parentage more here¬ 
after. 




CHAPTER III. 


GOOLAUB SING AND AFFGHANISTAN. 

Goolaub Sing did not remain long* at Jummoo, whither he 
went after the surrender of Lahore. He was ordered off to 
Cashmere to quell a mutiny among the troops, and he did this 
effectually, by cutting to pieces and almost annihilating two 
battalions who had killed their Governor, Meean Sing. From 
Cashmere he went to the Hazareh country, where he overcame 
Paindah Khan, Nawab of Trinoul, who was continually causing 
disturbances in that quarter. While in Hazareh the news of 
the insurrections against the British at Cabul reached him. 
It may here be mentioned, that when the old King, Zeman 
Shah, passed through the Punjaub, on his return to Cabul, he 
\vas escorted by Goolaub Sing’s troops under a confidential 
officer, and from that time a close communication was carried on 
betwixt Zeman Shah and the Dogra chief. There is, moreover, 
reason to suspect, that during Zeman Shah’s march through the 
Punjaub, the seeds were sown which shortly produced the 
rebellion in Affghanistan, and the fearful disasters of the 
British army in that country. Certain it is, that Goolaub 
Sing expected and foretold such an outbreak, full two 
months before it occurred. Another suspicious circumstance is 
well known,—that both Goolaub and his brother Dehan Sing 
were in constant and secret communication with most, both of 
the Barukzye and Suddoozye chiefs at Cabul, for at least six 
months before the insurrection broke out \ their dealings with 
either party being a profound secret to the other. It may 


GOOLAUB SING AND AFFGHANISTAN. 


63 


likewise be inferred that both parties were acting in tlie affair 
which ensued as the instruments of, or strongly instigated by, 
their friends in the Punjaub. The communication with the 
Barukzyes was kept up through the sirdars of Peshawur, then 
continual residents at the Court of Lahore, and who acted a 
prominent part thoughout the whole affair. 

Rajah Goolaub Sing was in the Hazareh districts when 
Brigadier Wild arrived on the Attock, and it was through his 
sinister proceedings that so much difficulty and delay was expe¬ 
rienced in crossing that river. In accordance with engagement and 
in order to keep up appearances, the Mahomedan Brigade in the 
Seik service was ordered to march with and assist the British 
troops in the passage through the Khyber Pass, and if necessary 
to Jullalabad. Now though orders to this effect were pub¬ 
licly issued, and the Mahomedan Brigade had already marched, 
it is an indubitable fact, and one that might easily be proved, 
that these troops were privately instructed and had received orders 
to act in a contrary manner. These orders went from the 
Hazareh country, where Rajah Goolaub Sing was then en¬ 
camped and they were conveyed to Peshawar by the hands 
of one Mirza Mahomed Yar, better known as Mirza Firmar. 
The manner in which the Seik contingent acted at that time 
is well known. When the British troops had advanced to the 
pass, their Punjaub allies becoming, to all appearance , mutinous 
and insubordinate, returned at the most critical juncture, 
leaving the British force to its fate. Thus the Seik contingent, 
in a disorderly manner, marched back to the Attock, where 
it encamped on the western bank of the river, Rajah 
Goolaub Sing being encamped on the eastern one. The 
meaning of this conduct was that it was intended to cause delay 
and discomfiture to the British in their advance into Afghan¬ 
istan ; and it certainly had its expected effect for a time. The 
disasters that Wild’s brigade met with were owing to this cause; 
had it not been for this, it would have reached Jullalabad 
much earlier, and much evil and bloodshed might thereby have 


64 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


been saved. The news of this brigade having reached Jullal- 
abad would have had a great effect in deterring the Affghan chiefs 
and people from acting against the British force then in the 
country; and it would have inspirited the latter to behave with 
greater vigour and resolution in repelling the attacks made upon 
them. It is probable that had this brigade reached Jullalabad, 
the army would never have left Cabul, or if it did so, would 
have done so under a treaty that would have been held 
sacred by the Affghans, a strong British force being at hand 
to punish its infraction. 

Soon after this defection of the Seik contingent, General 
Pollock arrived at Peshawar, and in a few days afterwards Goo- 
laub Sing made his appearance, after a very leisurely and 
evidently reluctant march from Hazareh. Though a British 
political agent was in his camp, urging him day and night to 
expedition, it took him forty-two days to march from Hazareh 
to Peshawar, a distance of but little more than the same num¬ 
ber of miles. While Pollock was encamped at Peshawar, 
every effort was made to delay his advance, and to frighten 
the native troops and thereby to prevent their entering the 
much dreaded Khyber Pass. The means used for this purpose 
caused some desertion, but had they succeeded to the full, 
mutiny in its worst aspect and at the most critical moment 
would have been the result. General Pollock, however, 
happily overcame all difficulties and escaped all dangers— 
more, perhaps, than he is aware of even to this day. He acted 
with promptitude and determination, and his efforts being 
nobly supported by his troops, he safely reached Jullalabad, 
and thus not only relieved Sale’s division, but formed by the 
junction a force capable of carrying all before it even to 
the walls, and even within the gates of Cabul. Rajah Goolaub 
Sing thus disappointed, put the best face on the matter, de¬ 
clared he had done what he could for the assistance of the 
British, and seeing no further need for his services marched 
back for Jummoo. 


CHAPTER IV. 

MURDER OF JEWALLA SING AND OF RANEE CHUND KOUR. 


It has been seen how Jewalla Sing, the Mooktear or agent 
of Shere Sing, under promise of being made Wuzeer, exerted 
himself to obtain for his master possession of the throne 
and capital, without the aid and influence of the Dogra 
family. In the interval between Shere Sing’s first appearance 
at Shalimar, and his return from Konoowar to Lahore, and 
while Dehan Sing was at Jummoo, Jewalla Sing had stre¬ 
nuously exerted himself to bring over the troops to his master’s 
interest, and it was chiefly by his bribes and promises that 
their services were secured on behalf of Shere Sing. Elated 
with his success in this matter, the Mooktear fancied that 
with the aid of the troops he had won over he could take the 
fort by force of arms, and advised his master not to allow 
Rajah Dehan Sing on his arrival to interfere in an affair, 
which he, Jewalla Sing, could settle without his assistance. It 
was he who instigated the Khalsa troops to attack the fort 
during Dehan Sing’s absence, and it was only by the energy 
and resolution of the Dogra garrison that his object was 
defeated. Even when Dehan Sing arrived, and when Shere 
Sing, repenting of his attempt to take the fort without his 
aid and advice, ordered a cessation of the fire upon the place, 
Jewalla Sing, unwilling to be baulked in his ambitious designs, 
persuaded the troops to continue the attack, and thus for 
twelve hours the orders of Shere Sing were of no avail; 

K. 


66 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


and indeed they would have continued inoperative, had he 
not, attended by Delian Sing and many officers, person¬ 
ally gone among the troops, and by gifts and persuasions in¬ 
duced them to desist. Again, when the Dogra garrison 
marched out of the fort at night, and proceeded to encamp 
at Shahdera, they would have been attacked by the Seik 
troops at Jewalla Sing’s instigation, had it not been that Shere 
Sing and Dehan Sing learning their intention, were personally 
on the alert to prevent its being carried into effect. 
All these things were well known to the Dogra Chiefs, 
and the knowledge served to enrage them against the am¬ 
bitious Mooktear, and led them to determine on a mur¬ 
derous revenge. Having determined on the destruction of 
their enemy, their first step was to rob him of the confidence 
and favour of his master. Their plans for this purpose were 
so well devised and skilfully executed, that it was not long ere 
Shere Sing regarded his too zealous servant as a secret, deep, 
and crafty foe. With this suspicion in his heart, the Maharajh 
commanded Jewalla Sing into his presence to account for his 
conduct 5 but the Mooktear, then encamped at Shalimar with a 
body of six thousand cavalry, who were in his interest, apprehen¬ 
sive of the intentions of his master, refused to obey the sum¬ 
mons. In this contumacy he was encouraged and countenanced 
by his troops, who declared that they would either excuse him 
to the Maharajh, or, if necessary, protect him against the 
anger of his master. This conduct of Jewalla Sing, of course 
enraged the Maharajh still more, while it served to con¬ 
firm the suspicions which he had already entertained of Jewalla 
Sing’s treachery. After waiting, therefore, for about twenty- 
four hours to give time for his revolted servant to return to 
his duty, if so disposed, he put himself at the head of all the 
troops in and about Lahore, and attended by Rajah Dehan 
Sing and a numerous train of Sirdars, went forth against the 
contumacious Mooktear. He found Jewalla Sing at Shalimar, 


MURDER OF JEWALLA SING, ETC. 67 

with his six thousand Gorechars drawn out as if for resistance ; 
hut on the Maharajh making* his appearance in person, the 
Mooktear gave up all thought of resistance, and went forward 
to meet his angry master. He was then prevailed on to 
accompany the Maharajh and his attendants to Lahore, and 
on his arrival there, he was immediately heavily fettered and 
thrown into a deep dungeon, without being allowed an inter¬ 
view with the Maharajh or an opportunity of exculpating him¬ 
self. Shere Sing relenting, would have given his old servant 
a hearing, but Rajah Dehan Sing took care to prevent this, and 
to widen the breach between them. Thus the unfortunate 
Jewalla Sing was kept fettered in his dungeon, the only food 
he was allowed being a daily ration of half a seer of flour, 
kneaded with on equal quantity of salt 1 He was likewise 
whipped every day, and had hot irons applied to the 
soles of his feet. To this cruel usage he was subjected for a 
month, but as he did not sink under it in that time, Dehan Sing 
obtained an order for his removal to the fort of Shaikoopur for 
a period of six months, as the minister said, by way of punish¬ 
ment. Hither he was accordingly sent, without having an 
interview with his master, and in about ten days after his arrival 
he died under the barbarous treatment which he experienced at 
the hands of his jailors, the tools of Rajah Dehan Sing. Some 
time afterwards Shere Sing was informed that he had died a 
natural death, and so no more was said or thought of the hapless 
Jewalla Sing. 

When the fort of Lahore fell into the hands of Shere 
Sing, Rajah Goolaub Sing made it one of the conditions of 
surrender, that the person and property of the Ranee Chund 
Kour should be respected, and that to maintain her in suitable 
dignity, a jaghire of nine lakhs of rupees should be allowed 
to her. To these terms Shere Sing, at the persuasion of his 
minister, Dehan Sing, gave his consent, and as already men¬ 
tioned, the jaghire assigned to Chund Kour was that of 


68 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


Kuddee Kuddeeallee, a tract at the foot of the hills, reaching 
from Bliimber to the river Jhelum and adjacent to the dis¬ 
tricts held by Goolaub Sing. This chief had so far ingra¬ 
tiated himself with the Ranee that she had made him her 
Mooktear or confidential agent, and hence the management of 
all her property, including this jaghire, came into his hands, 
and as may be supposed, he turned the trust to the best advan¬ 
tage for himself. Chund Kour never got more out of this 
jaghire that was settled upon her, or out of the other property, 
than served her for a bare maintenance. She left the palace and 
the fort at Lahore, and went to reside in the house in the 
city formerly belonging to her late son, No Nehal Sing. She 
might have remained in the palace, as Shere Sing wished her 
to do, and have accepted of his offer to make her one of his 
wives by the process of Chudur dalna , or throwing the sheet 
over her, but for the intrigues of Golaub Sing, who well knew 
that if this came to pass, her jaghire and property would be taken 
out of his hands. He feared also that should she become the 
wife of Shere Sing, that prince would soon induce her to 
disclose secrets respecting the money and jewels which she 
herself had entrusted to Goolaub Sing to carry out of the 
fort on the occasion of its surrender, as well as regarding the 
treasure and valuables which he had carried away on his own 
account. He had but a frail and confiding woman to deal 
with, one whose only thought, unhappily, was how she might 
satisfy her thirst for pleasure; as, therefore, he promised her 
fall scope in this matter and as much money as she might re¬ 
quire on condition that she should not listen to the overtures of 
Shere Sing, who he said only wanted to lead her to her 
destruction, she readily consented to remove into the city, where 
she was assured of the protection of Goolaub Sing, and of 
his brother the Minister, who bound themselves by oath to be 
faithful to her interests. 

Thus tilings went on for some months, Chund Kour impli- 


MURDER OF JEWALLA SING, ETC. 69 

citly relying on Goolaub’s promises and acting on his advice. 
Shere Sing, meanwhile, was burning with rage on finding that 
Chund Kour not only refused his hand and protection, but that, 
as he was craftily persuaded by Dehan Sing, she scoffed at and 
scorned his pretensions. He was told that she had declared that 
he was either a fool or a madman to suppose that she, the daugh¬ 
ter of the great Jeymull Sing, and of the famous house of the 
Kunnias, would ever think of allying herself with Shere Sing, 
the son of a washerman ! Shere Sing, however, hindered her 
from living constantly in the city, and she was therefore com¬ 
pelled to divide her time betwixt the city and the fort, occasion¬ 
ally residing in the former, in the house of her late son. Thus 
matters stood when Shere Sing, with his whole Durbar, 
proceeded towards Wuzeerabad, on which occasion he left 
secret but strict orders with the slave-girls of Chund Kour 
to put her to death in his absence. To four of these slaves he 
promised jaghires of five thousand rupees each, in case of their 
fulfilling his commands; and these women were thereby induced 
to destroy their mistress by dashing out her brains with a heavy 
stone while they were engaged in dressing her hair. After 
committing this treacherous and cruel deed, the four slave-girls 
were made prisoners by some hill-men in the service of Dehan 
Sing, and Meean Sing, Shere Sing’s thanadar in the fort, and 
on Dehan Sing’s return he ordered that the hands of two of 
them should be cut off, one escaping through the aid of a 
faqueer, and the fourth being released in consideration of her 
giving a large sum as the ransom of her life. The murder 
was perpetrated in her house in the town, built by Ncf Nihal Sing. 
By the death of the unfortunate princess, Shere Sing consi¬ 
dered himself released from apprehension of future claim on 
his throne, but the event served the interests of Goolaub Sing 
still more than those of him who had directly brought it about, 
inasmuch as it gave him undisturbed possession of all the 
property of the deceased Chund Kour. 


CHAPTER V. 


THE ASSASSINATION OF SHERE SING AND DEHAN SING. 


Rajah Goolaub Sing had hut just arrived at Jummoo 
when his brother Dehan Sing, the Wuzeer, wrote to him, in¬ 
forming him of his differences with the Maharajh Shere Sing, 
and requesting him to repair to Lahore to consult on the policy 
to he adopted under the circumstances. He accordingly 
hastened to the capital, and after a very short stay, returned 
home again. In that brief visit, however, the line of conduct 
to be pursued was determined on by the brothers in consulta¬ 
tion y and it will soon be seen what it was and how it was 
carried out. 

Lena Sing, a chief of the Scindawalla family, had been 
imprisoned by Shere Sing for the part which he had taken 
against him on his accession. Uttur Sing and his nephew 
Ajeet Sing had taken refuge in the Company’s territory at 
Tanaisur, from which place the latter went to Calcutta. 
They now, through female influence, and on the inter¬ 
cession of Bii Ram Sing,* were recalled from exile, and 
Lena Sing was released from confinement. On receiving 


* This Bii Ram Sing, now for the first time appeared on the stage of political life. 
He never was a friend of Bii Goormuck Sing, whom he considered his rival in 
the favour of Shere Sing, and these two religieux understood each other so well 
that they cherished beneath their robes of sanctity an enmity too deep to meet 
the vulgar eye. Bii Goormuck Sing and Misser Belee Ram were united in policy, 
fate, and fortune; and Misser Belee Ram and his family were the deadly foes of 
Rajah Lall Sing and his family. Bii Ram Sing, on the other hand, was a staunch 
supporter of Lall Sing ; perhaps, for the good reason that he was a proteg6 of 
the Dogra family, and they had a strong arm to uphold and assist him. Thus 
Bii Goormuck Sing and Misser Belee Ram were enemies of the Dogras, and Bii 
Ram Sing, through his alliance with Rajah Lall Sing, was their staunch friend. Be- 




ASSASSINATION OF SHERE SING AND DEHAN SING. 71 


the order for their recall, accompanied by private assurances 
of safety from Bii Ram Sing, Ajeet Sing and Lena Sing- 
returned to Lahore, but Uttur Sing went at once to his 
jaghire. On the arrival of the Scindawallas at Lahore, 
Bii Ram Sing became the medium of private communication 
betwixt them and Rajah Dehan Sing. The Minister endea¬ 
voured, successfully, to impress upon them a belief, that it was 
by his means and influence they were recalled and restored 
to the possession of their former jaghires and lands. He showed 
them the utmost confidence and consideration, and acted his 
part so well with them that they became the staunchest friends 
of him and his party, and ready to become, as he intended they 
should be, the tools and instruments of his plan. Further, he 
represented to them, in glowing colours, the baseness of Shere 
Sing, who, he said, however kind he might outwardly appear to 
them, was at heart their implacable enemy, and would, were 
it not for his, Dehan Sing’s, presence and influence, exhibit 
his hatred towards them in ill usage. Thus were the Scinda¬ 
wallas prepared to execute the Minister’s purpose. These 
private intrigues were carried on for some time, and the Scinda¬ 
wallas were enabled plainly to see into the real state of affairs, 
and to perceive the rancorous enmity that existed betwixt 
Shere Sing and his Minister, and the danger to which the 
Maliarajh was exposed. 

It was shortly after Goolaub Sing’s hasty visit to Lahore, 
and the consultation betwixt the brothers, that Dehan Sing- 
appeared to become aware that there was in existence a reputed 


sides this, as has been before said, Bii Ram Sing envied and hated Bii Goormuck Sing 
as a successful rival in the favour of the sovereign, and had thus a purely personal 
motive to join in any plan that might lead to his downfal. He likewise 
indulged a deep hate against the Maharajh for exhibiting a preference for his rival; 
and this was a direct reason for his allying himself with Shere Sing’s enemies, 
lie, then, at the instigation of the Dogras, in his character of a holy man. 
prevailed on the favourite women of Shere Sing to beg an order for the recall of 
ihe Scindawallas. 




72 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


son of Runjeet Sing-, a child of five or six years of age, whom 
it now suited his purpose to consider the rightful heir to the 
throne, and whose cause he determined to espouse. This 
child was now frequently sent for by the Minister, who fondled 
and caressed it, and made a great shew of respect for it. In 
this conduct Shere Sing saw evidence that he had nothing- 
more to expect from his quondam friend and upholder. He, 
therefore, strove in many ways to get rid of him$ but the 
Rajah was not so to be shaken off. The Maliarajh was no 
match for the subtle enemy who was now planning his ruin. 
Thus matters proceeded until the Scindawallas, seeing how 
affairs stood, thought that the opportunity presented itself 
of doing something for their own aggrandisement, at the 
expense of both the sovereign and his Minister. They well 
knew that they were regarded with suspicion by Shere Sing, 
whom they considered as an upstart and an usurper 5 and 
they were fully aware that the Minister admitted them to his 
friendship solely for the purpose of making them his tools 
and would afterwards cast them off, perhaps even cause their 
ruin and death, without scruple. 

Having concocted their plans, the Scindawalla brothers 
first waited on Shere Sing, and in a private conference told 
him, with apparent candour, that as his loyal subjects, and as 
his brethren in caste, religion, and family, they could not re¬ 
frain from putting him on his guard against the machinations 
and designs of his Minister. Then, having prevailed on the 
Maliarajh to take an oath of secrecy, thev assured him that they 
were actually commissioned by the Minister to assassinate 
him, Shere Sing 5 and that for this business they had been 
promised a jaghire of sixty lakhs, that they should be the 
guardians of Dulleep Sing-, the child whom it was proposed 
to place on the guddee , and that while Dehan Sing- was osten¬ 
sible minister, they should be the actual regents during the 
minority of the new Maliarajh. This declaration, made with 


ASSASSINATION OP SHERE SING AND DEHAN SING. 73 

such confidence, had no other effect on Shere Sing 1 , a brave and 
intrepid man and a good soldier, than to excite his indignation 
against his treacherous Minister .— u Here,” said he, drawing his 
sword, and offering it to the Scindawalla Sirdars, Lena Sing 
and Ajeet Sing,—“ here, if you have orders to slay me, and 
are willing to commit such an act, here is my own sword ! But, 
remember one thing*,—not many days will pass before you will 
be treated in the same manner by the men who now make you 
their tools.” At these words the Scindawallas appeared affect¬ 
ed and astonished, and asked the Maharajli if he really believed 
they could act in such a manner;—they said that they 
had come, not to destroy, but to save him. They assured him of 
their devotion to him, and proposed that as the just punishment 
of the Minister’s evil and treacherous intentions they should 
put him to death immediately. This alone, they assured the 
Maharajh, would ensure his safety, for that if the Minister were 
allowed to live any longer, he would certainly find means 
to execute his murderous designs on his master. Shere Sing 
with seeming reluctance agreed to their proposal, and they 
took care to obtain a writing under his signature, exonerating 
them from all the guilt of an act which was represented as 
necessary for the safety of the state. 

Having made these arrangements the Scindawallas explained 
to Shere Sing that they would now retire for awhile to a place 
called Rajah Sansee, near Umritsir, there to prepare themselves 
and a party of their chosen soldiers for the enterprise which 
they had in hand, and that thence they would return to him 
shortly, under the pretence of performing their hazaree , or a 
strict inspection of their troops, which the Maharajh was to 
order. At this review they were all to appear in the best order 
they could assume, fully armed and accoutred, with matches 
lit, and to go through the matchlock exercise before the Maha¬ 
rajh, who was then to call on Dehan Sing to come forward 
and examine the troops. Then at a signal agreed upon, 

L 


74 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


they would immediately surround both him and his son Heera 
Sing and shoot them to death. They told the Maharajh thus 
much, they said, that he might on their return from Rajah 
Sansee be ready and willing to meet them, and that no 
suspicions should prevent his acting the part assigned him. 

Having thus settled matters with Shere Sing, the Scinda- 
wallas took their leave, proposing to start next morning for 
Rajah Sansee as had been agreed on. They went, however, 
straight to the house of the Minister, and in a private inter¬ 
view with him, and after some oaths of secrecy and other 
preliminaries, they exhibited to him his death warrant, signed 
by the Maharajh himself. Seeing the effect this produced 
on the mind of Dehan Sing, they proposed that they should 
put Shere Sing to death. To this the Minister readily and fully 
agreed, and made them great promises of reward and favour 
in case of their success. Now, therefore, they made with 
him arrangements precisely similar to those which they had 
settled with the Maharajh, or rather the same arrangement 
was adopted, the intended victim only being changed. They ? 
however, went so much further as to instruct Dehan Sing 
by his influence with the army to cause the posting of such 
troops about the palace on the day appointed for the tragedy 
as should be no hindrance to the work in hand. The Scinda- 
wallas then took their leave of the Minister, and next morning 
as had been agreed on, marched for Rajah Sansee. Here 
they remained a few days, and then returned, attended by some 
five or six hundred cavalry, all chosen men, well armed and 
equipped. While they were absent, Rajah Dehan, under pre¬ 
tence of sickness, had secluded himself in his house in the 
city, while Shere Sing was residing at Shahbelore, three 
miles east of the city. The day on which the Scindawallas 
returned was the first of the month, and their approach to 
Shahbelore was announced early in the morning by the firing 
of the troops, as they went through a variety of exercises with 


ASSASSINATION OF SHERE SING AND DEHAN SING. 75 


their matchlocks—discharging them while at full speed, Ac. 
On approaching the Maliarajh’s mansion at Shahbelore, the 
brothers, Ajeet Sing and Lena Sing, with a chosen party 
dismounted and entered the house, the Scindawallas having 
the privilege of doing so uninvited and unannounced. Being 
the first of the month there had been no durbar, and as they 
presented themselves with about fifty followers, who like them¬ 
selves were armed and in armour, Shore Sing was just dis¬ 
missing with presents some athletes who had been wrestling 
before him. They all made their obeisances to the Maharajh, 
who received them with a free and courteous air, being 
of course totally unconscious of any harm. Shere Sing 
quite unarmed, was reclining easily in his chair, when Ajeet 
Sing' approached him and exhibiting a handsome double-barrel¬ 
led fowling- piece for his inspection, said in a loud and laughing 
manner, u See here ! a piece which I bought for fourteen 
hundred rupees; I would not now take three thousand for 
it.” On this the Maharajh stretched out his hand to receive 
the gun. It was loaded with two balls in each barrel, and 
both locks were at full cock. As Ajeet Sing handed it to 
Shere Sing, he, by an almost imperceptible and apparently 
unintentional movement, brought its muzzles to bear on the 
breast of the Maharajh, and fired—both barrels almost together. 
The unfortunate Shere Sing fell back in his chair, a corpse, 
the only words he uttered before lie expired being—“ Ei ~ka 
dugga ?” “ What treachery is this ? ” His head was imme¬ 

diately cut off, and such of his servants as made a shew 
of resistance were shot or cut down. The assassins then 
hastened to the garden, where the eldest son of the murdered 
king, a youth of thirteen or fourteen years old, was at his 
devotions. Lena Sing, with his sword drawn advanced to¬ 
wards the boy, who, alarmed at his ferocious and threaten¬ 
ing looks, threw himself at his feet, and implored him as liis 
uncle to spare his life. But the Sirdar, paying no more 


76 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURRAR. 


attention to his words than to reply to them scoffingly—An 
uncle at such a time !” with one blow severed the lad’s head 
from his body. 

The party then quickly retired, and joining* their comrades, 
who had waited outside while this bloody business was being* 
transacted, about three hundred horse and two hundred and 
fifty foot, under the command of Ajeet Sing*, went off at a 
smart pace towards Lahore; while Lena Sing with the rest, 
about two hundred cavalry, slowly followed. When about 
half way to Lahore the party under Ajeet Sing met the 
Minister with a few followers proceeding easily towards Shah- 
belore. Ajeet Sing saluting him told him that every thing was 
settled as he desired, that there was no occasion for his going 
any further, and requested him to turn back and accompany 
him to the fort, there to settle matters, to hold a council, to 
call the Sirdars, and make good all his promises. Suspicion 
seemed to flash across the Minister’s mind, for he glanced at his 
escort as if to see how many men he had with him ; and find¬ 
ing that he was greatly outnumbered, he had no option, but was 
obliged to agree to the Sirdar’s proposal. He, therefore, con¬ 
cealed his suspicions as well as he was able, and with as frank 
and cheerful an air as he could assume, turned back with Ajeet 
Sing. Ere they had proceeded far the Scindawalla, knowing 
that every thing depended on his early arrival at the fort, pro¬ 
posed that they should quicken their pace, and, without waiting 
for Dehan Sing’s assent, set off at a rapid rate. This soon 
brought them to the outer gate of the fort, which Ajeet Sing en¬ 
tered, accompanied by the Minister, and about five or six hundred 
soldiers. At the second gate in obedience to certain signs, 
most of the Minister’s attendants were refused admittance, 
while all Ajeet Sing’s entered. Dehan Sing’s suspicions 
were now strongly excited, and he looked round to see how 
many of his men were with him. Ajeet Sing, however, 
attempted to divert his attention from what was going on, 


ASSASSINATION OF SHERE SING AND DEHAN SING. 77 


by keeping* liim in conversation on indifferent subjects. Still 
by bis tone and manner the Minister knew that there was 
something wrong; but he #was conscious that it would 
do no good to manifest anything like fear. He could not, 
however, refrain from asking Ajeet Sing who the men were 
whom he saw on the battlements of the fort; to which enquiry 
the Scindawalla replied that they were all friends, being his 
own followers. At this moment, while the Minister’s attention 
was directed to these men on the walls of the fort, he received 
a shot from behind, discharged from a large rifle, and fired on 
a signal being given by Ajeet Sing with his finger. Immediately 
he received another shot from a blunderbuss, and then he was 
cut and hacked with swords. But he was a corpse at the 
first fire. A Mahomedan, one of the few attendants with 
the Minister, was the only one who made any resistance, 
and he was immediately cut down, and his body with that 
of his master thrown into the rubbish pit of the gun-foundry 
in the fort. 

All this was just over when Lena Sing and his party arrived. 
On learning what had been done, Lena Sing reproved his brother 
for his hasty conduct. His own plan was to entice the son 
and brother of the Minister, Rajahs Heera Sing and Suchet 
Sing, into the fort, and then to destroy them all at once. 
Now he found that things would go against them, as Heera 
Sing and Suchet Sing were at large, and, taking the alarm, 
would raise the whole body of the troops for their defence, and 
to punish the murderers of the Maharajh and his Wuzeer. 
The Scindawallas, however, were not disheartened, and they 
resolved to do what they could to complete the business 
which they had begun. They therefore sent an express to 
Buddhoo ko ava, where the Rajahs were with the troops, 
informing them that the Minister and the Scindawallas were in 
the fort in close consultation on state affairs, and politely re¬ 
questing their attendance. This message was first sent in the 


78 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

Minister’s name, but tbe Rajahs and their advisers, the princi¬ 
pal of whom was Rae Kisseree Sing', who afterwards fell gal¬ 
lantly fighting* by the side of*Rajali Suchet Sing, were too 
cunning to be easily deceived. They therefore sent answer that 
they would be very happy to obey the summons, but that it 
should come in the Minister’s own hand-writing or bearing 
his signature. Thus failing to entrap them by subtlety, the 
Scindawallas sent five hundred horsemen to bring them by 
force. This measure, however, and the absence of the required 
written summons from Delian Sing, had only the effect of con¬ 
firming the suspicions of the Rajahs, that evil was intended; and 
therefore collecting around them as many of the troops as they 
could, they presented such a threatening front to the cavalry 
sent by the Scindawallas, that these latter deemed it prudent to 
return to the fort as they went. 

In another hour the death of the Maharajh and his Minis¬ 
ter became publicly known by means of some of those who had 
escaped and spread the news. On the receipt of this intelli¬ 
gence, Rajah Heera Sing and the Pundit Jella displayed the 
most contemptible . pusillanimity, the former in particular; 
he threw himself on the ground in despair, crying like a child, 
until he was brought to a sense of propriety by the upbraidings 
of the brave Kisseree Sing. A consultation was now held as to 
the course to be pursued, and the result was that the chiefs pre¬ 
sent separated, and went among the troops to excite them to take 
vengeance on the murderers of their sovereign and his Wuzeer. 
So well did they play their parts on this emergency, that they 
speedily induced the whole Khalsa force to side with them. 
As a specimen of the manner in which this was done, the con¬ 
duct of Rajah Heera Sing may be described. Assembling the 
troops he placed himself in their front, and unbuckling his 
sword and shield addressed them thus:—“ I was brought up 
from my infancy by the great Maharajh Runjeet Sing, as 
his adopted son, and I am now about to be slain as my 


ASSASSINATION OF SHERE SING AND DEHAN SING. 79 

father has this day been by the Scindawallas, who have 
murdered your King’, and his Minister, my dear father. 
And now listen, soldiers, they have done all this only 
because while they were in Hindostan, they made traitorous 
alliances with the British. They then agreed to do all this 
that has this day been done,—to call in the British and to 
deliver the country into their hands. In pursuance of this 
purpose they have, since this morning, sent off ten or twelve 
expresses in the direction of Ferozepore and Loodiana to inform 
the British authorities of their success here; and now if some 
bold and energetic steps are not immediately taken by you, 
you will, before three days have passed, hear of forty or 
fifty thousand British troops having crossed the Sutlej. If 
the British come and obtain their purpose, they will disband 
the entire Khalsa army. Yes! you will be compelled to give 
up your arms, and to go every man to his home. Your 
invincible power, } r our great and glorious name, will be lost 
in oblivion, and disgrace will be your lot. You will moreover, 
be so impoverished that you will have to seek, and seek in 
vain, an ignoble maintenance from the plough !* Soldiers, if 
you would avert this humiliation listen to me. The old king’s 
coffers are yet full, but, believe me, I have no occasion to 
resort to them ; my own, my father’s, and my uncle’s wealth is 
sufficient to keep up an army of a hundred thousand good and 
loyal Seiks for a hundred years, and I here solemnly promise 
that it shall all to the last fraction be expended on you. It 
is all yours and for your use. Now I here solemnly promise, 
and if necessary will confirm my word by an oath, that 
henceforth your pay shall be encreased one-half—each foot 
soldier shall receive twelve rupees a month, and every horse¬ 
man one rupee a day* Listen to me, follow my instructions, and 


* This was a leaf from his father Delian Sing’s political pocket-book, by an 
opportune reference to which the minister hacl often turned the Khalsa to his 
purpose. 



80 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


by one unanimous effort, we will not only secure our country 
from danger, and ourselves from disgrace, but will also punish 
the Scindawallas for their treason and cruelty—the traitors 
to their race, religion, and country—the murderers of their 
prince and of his Minister!”* This was enough, the impatient 
troops would listen to no more,—they asked to be led wherever 
he pleased—to death or victory. They bade Hfeera Sing return 
to his own camp at Buddhoo ko ava to prepare for. his 
enterprise, while they would quickly make ready one and all 
to wreak their just vengeance on the treacherous Scindawallas. 
Heera Sing told them to be ready to march at a moment’s 
warning, but not to move too hastily, or without orders, 
and that in due time he would lead them on. But so eag’er 
and impatient were the soldiers, that though one-half of the 
number were at that moment engaged in cooking and preparing 
their evening meal, they made the drummers, fifers, and 
trumpeters, sound to arms; and where any one was slow in 
falling into the ranks, he was struck by his comrades, and 
some who delayed too long over their cooking utensils 
were knocked down with the butt-ends of muskets. In such 
precipitate haste did the army assemble to execute the design 
which it had so suddenly formed, that the cooking apparatus 
was left scattered about on the plain and in the camp. Thus 
by incessant sounding to arms, by hurrying and threatening 
the dilatory as well as their own immediate officers, the troops? 
infantry, cavalry, and artillery, were in an incredibly short time 
formed in line and ready to march against the traitorous Scinda¬ 
wallas. About forty thousand men now awaited but the order 
of Rajah Heera Sing to do his bidding and to hurl destruction 
on his enemies and the murderers of his father. However, it 
suited his purpose to keep them awaiting till after sun-set. 


* This was all put down to Rajah Heera Sing, but it must be remembered that 
Rae Kisseree Sing was his prompter and encourager, and the chief instrument in 
bringing over the troops. 




CHAPTER VI. 

PUNISHMENT OF THE MURDERERS. 


While Heera Sing was making arrangements for avenging 
liis father’s death the Scindawallas were using every effort, by 
bribes and presents, to win over to their side all the troops 
and artillery stationed in the city and round the fort. They 
remained however, unwisely and unfortunately as it afterwards 
appeared, shut up in the fort, sending for the chiefs and leaders 
of the troops to come to them, and to assist them in attempting 
to work upon the soldiery. Had they, as Heera Sing and 
his party did, and as it was known that they did, gone among 
the troops personally, there is little doubt that they would 
have effected their purpose. As it was they failed. From 
the officers, indeed, they received oaths and assurances of sup¬ 
port in return for their presents and promises, but the hopes 
thus excited were very imperfectly realised. 

If instead of this they had gone among the soldiers, and 
used their eloquence in persuading them of their loyalty to the 
crown and their patriotism to their country, and to have dissipated 
the suspicion that they were in league with the British, they 
might with the aid of some few promises have gained their 
object without the immediate expenditure of a rupee. For 
as being true Seiks, of kin to royalty, being well known as 
good soldiers, and having in the army many friends and even 
some relations, they had great advantages over the Dogras 
who were looked on with jealousy as foreigners and upstarts, 


M 



82 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


and wlio only kept themselves in favour with the army by the 
promise or payment of large sums of money, and by the trick 
of keeping themselves always before the eyes of the troops 
as the inveterate enemies of the British and devoted patriots 
in the cause of their country. 

In order to conceal the death of the Wuzeer, the Scinda- 
wallas had in the early part of the day caused it to be pro¬ 
claimed through the city that Dulleep Sing was now king 
and Dehan Sing was Minister; but finding soon that the 
murder of the Rajah was no longer a secret, they boldly 
proclaimed Dulleep Sing as king, and Lena Sing Scinda- 
walla as Wuzeer. 

The Seiks were little moved by the death of Shere Sing, 
at which indeed they rather rejoiced, as he had by the crafty 
policy of his Minister been made for some time to appear 
to the troops in the light of a harsh and severe disciplinarian; 
the object of this misrepresentation being to render him odious 
to the troops, and to enable Dehan Sing, by exhibiting him¬ 
self as their friend and advocate, to strengthen his claims on 
their favour. 

About an hour after sunset Rajah Heera Sing, with the 
Khalsa troops, and about a hundred pieces of horse artillery 
approached the city. About the same time or a little earlier, 
the Scindawallas, seemingly in the hope of appeasing the rage 
of the Seiks, sent out the body of Rajah Dehan Sing, sprinkled 
with rose-water, well scented, and wrapped up in a handsome 
Cashmere shawl; and with it they sent their assurances that 
the Minister was killed accidentally by one of their soldiers and 
entirely without their orders. They further expressed a hope 
that his death would not be looked upon as the effect of enmity 
or malice on their part, as they had borne no ill will towards 
the Minister, and were sincerely and heartily sorry for the 
untoward occurrence that had caused his death. In support 
of this assertion they showed also the dead body of the sol- 


PUNISHMENT OF THE MURDERERS. 


83 


dier of their party who had been killed by the Mahomedan 
who resisted the attack on Dehan Sing, declaring that this 
was the corpse of the mad or mutinous soldier who had killed 
the Rajah, and who had been instantly cut down by their 
own hands. All this was well designed and skilfully executed, 
but it did not effect the object of mollifying the troops or 
turning them from their purpose. The main body of the 
army marched towards the city, and their appearance was 
announced by the noise and tumult which they caused as they 
entered the eastern gates, each corps actually struggling with 
those next it for the foremost position. The fierce war cry 
Wah Gooroo jee lio Futteh! resounded through the city. 
The old fort was again invested and encircled by the infuriated 
mob of armed men, and the artillery was quickly at work beat¬ 
ing down the feeble and tottering walls. Within the fort no 
means appeared to have been used for annoying or repelling the 
besiegers, aiid their artillery was, as in the former siege, drawn 
up close to the place and quite uncovered and unprotected. 
The besieged, though only about a thousand or eleven hundred 
in number, might, like the Dogra garrison on the former 
occasion, have silenced the guns and driven the enemy from 
them, for they were almost entirely picked marksmen. But no 
effort was made to return or silence the fire of the besiegers, 
and in consequence, before the dawn of the following day, 
several practicable breaches had been made in the walls. 
Now, however, Rajah Heera Sing sent for all the artillery 
officers, and by promises and presents induced them to under¬ 
take to effect one large and perfect breach through which the 
assault might be made with ease and success. To other in¬ 
ducements he added an oath that he would neither eat nor 
drink until he had feasted his eyes with looking on the dead 
bodies of those who had murdered his father. This declara¬ 
tion, with the presents and promises which he had lavished on 
them, was enough to excite the artillery to use their utmost 


84 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


skill and diligence to effect the purpose that he had enjoined on 
them. But there was still another and a stronger incitement 
which urged them on to the w'ork more effectually even than the 
bounties and entreaties of the Rajah. The great body of the 
Khalsa troops, though they had themselves plundered above half 
the city, and had been well plied with presents by Heera Sing, 
were promised also the plunder of the fort, when they should 
have brought to him the dead bodies of his enemies the 
Scindawallas. The result was that the troops by threats and 
persuasions urged the artillerymen to incessant and greater 
zeal and diligence in their work. Hence by the time that 
the day was two or three hours advanced, a large breach, 
declared practicable, had been made in and near the tower at 
the S. W. angle of the fort. 

By this time the widow of the murdered Minister and her 
female slaves were preparing to mount the funeral pyre 
with his corpse. But Rajah Heera Sing craftily delayed the 
immolation of his step-mother and her women, keeping them 
waiting in the presence of the troops, whose fury against 
the murderers of Dehan Sing was increased tenfold by the scene. 
The Rajah had it also publicly proclaimed that not only would he 
not eat or drink till the assassins were slain, but that the widowed 
Ranee would not mount the pile till she had beheld the severed 
heads of her husband’s murderers. On this the troops wildly and 
clamorously demanded orders to advance; but ere these were 
given they had rushed forward, forty or forty-five thousand 
men, infantry and dismounted cavalry,—and were soon clinging 
and clustering about'the breach like bees at the entrance of 
their hive. They quickly effected a good footing in the fort, 
and doubtless concluded that as they had met with no opposi¬ 
tion hitherto their prize was W'on. But now the little garrison 
seemed to have shaken of its lethargy, and a resistance so fierce 
was offered as for a time appalled the host of Seiks. But as 
the close and deadly struggle continued, the superior numbers 


PUNISHMENT OF THE MURDERERS. 


85 


of the besiegers secured them the advantage. The loss of a 
thousand men on their side would hardly have been felt ; but 
when so many of the small band who defended the place had 
bit the dust, the garrison was almost annihilated. Thus in 
about an hour all was lost, and further resistance out of the 
question. Ajeet Sing Scindawalla, now attempted to escape 
by getting over the walls, but he was seen and recognised by some 
soldiers outside, who regardless of the lavish promises which 
he made to induce them to spare his life, slew him immediately, 
and cutting off his head ran with it to Heera Sing, who, in his 
savage joy, rewarded them with man}' valuable presents of 
money, jewels, and even jagliires. The head of Ajeet Sing was 
then laid at the feet of Dehan Sing’s widow, who on beholding it 
exclaimed, u Now I am fully satisfied. Now I am ready to follow 
my lord and husband; and,’ ? said she, addressing Heera Sing, 
“ I will tell your dear father that you have acted the part of a 
brave and dutiful son.” Saying this, she, followed by her 
w r omen, ascended the pile, talking at the same time with 
the most perfect composure, ordering her affairs, making 
presents and giving alms. Her last act was to place the 
hulgee or warrior’s plume of her late husband in the tur¬ 
ban of her step-son Heera Sing. This done, she placed 
herself in a reclining posture on the pile, with her women, 
thirteen in number, around her ; then with a smiling and 
joyful face she took leave of all around, and lastly in a 
proud and lofty tone she commanded that the torch should be 
applied. Her command was obeyed, and soon nothing remained 
but an undistinguishable heap of glowing embers. 

An affecting episode in this fearful scene may be here related. 
A female child of ten years old, a slave-girl from the hills, 
an attendant on the widowed Ranee, was pronounced by all, 
including her mistress, to be too young to perform the rite 
of suttee with the elder women. The Ranee, therefore, fondly 


86 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


caressing her, and ordering- her a liberal provision, gave her in 
charge to her step-son, Heera Sing, with the strictest injunctions 
to take care of her. But the child would not live ; three times 
she threw herself on the pile, imploring her mistress to let her 
share her fate. With an energy beyond her years, she 
loudly protested by the dead and murdered corpse before her, 
that if she was not allowed to die now, she would by some other 
means put an end. to her life. On this the Ranee and all 
around seeing her resolutely bent on performing the suttee, 
and that to prevent her doing so would be to no purpose, reluc¬ 
tantly allowed her to share the fate of her mistress and her 
older companions. The Ranee took her and placed her at her 
feet, while the others reclined around their mistress, who lay with 
the head of her husband in her lap,—the torch was applied to 
the pile, and the living and the dead were alike reduced to ashes. 

The fight being over in the fort, the plunder, which had con¬ 
tinued some time, was stayed by order of Heera Sing, and a 
search was made for Lena Sing Scindawalla who had disap¬ 
peared from the strife, and was not found among the dead. 
This chief was soon found hid in a dark and secret subterranean 
chamber or cell to which with a broken thigh he had retired the 
night before. He was attended by one faithful follower, who 
defended his master to the last, but all in vain. The name of 
this gallant man was Rah Sing, a strong and large-bodied 
Seik of abont fifty years old. On being recognised as he stood 
sword in hand at the entrance of his master’s retreat, he was 
repeatedly entreated both by Lena Sing and his enemies to 
sheath his weapon and make his escape, while he might do so. 
But he disdainfully refused to avail himself of the forbearance 
of the enemy, requesting only that they should not fire at him, 
and the Seiks, knowing him, and honoring his bravery, 
actually complied with his request. They, however, rushed on 
him with their swords, and after killing thirteen of them he 


PUNISHMENT OF TIIE MURDERERS. 


87 


himself fell covered with wounds. His dying petition was 
only that they would not kill his wounded master, and to this 
1 equest also they promised compliance. But some had spirit 
among them shot Lena Sing from behind, exclaiming as he 
did so, “ Are we going to lose ten thousand rupees ! ” but this 
man was immediately killed by his own comrades. They how¬ 
ever, cut off the head of the fallen chief and sent it to Heera 
Sing’, who doubtless gave them the stipulated reward. Four 
hours later the victorious troops returned to their lines, and 
the public acclamations pronounced Dulleep Sing, Maharajh, 
and Heera Sing, Wuzeer. 

The next day all the officers of the army were assembled, and 
Heera Sing gave them a written agreement of one month’s 
pay for the whole of the troops as a gratuity for their ser¬ 
vices, and lie likewise assured them of an augmentation of 
pay as promised. On the fourth day a general council of the 
army was called, at which all the Seik officers with two men 
from each company as Punches* or deputies attended. 


* The designation Punches is here used in compliment to general usage, hut 
at Lahore it is Painclies. It may ho well here to describe the origin of the custom 
of appointing deputies hy the soldiers, a practice which has on more than one 
occasion, including that of the late war with the British, led to the most momentous 
results. On Shore Sing’s accession the soldiers clamorously demanded the ful¬ 
filment of those promises which he had made, and which Rajah Dehan Sing had 
made in his name. Now, therefore, the pay of each foot soldier was raised from 
eight rupees a month to nine, and a gratuity of one month’s pay, after some de¬ 
mur accepted hy the troops, who had in fact been promised four months’ gratuity. 
In lieu, however, of three months’ gratuity, which was withheld, they demanded 
leave to attack and plunder the camp of Goolaub Sing, who was then after his 
withdrawal from the fort lying at Shahdera. They even threatened, that if permission 
to do this was refused, they would do it without. But luckily for Goolaub Sing 
and his little army, they had on the day he left the fort been reinforced hy the 
arrival of a strong body of men from Jummoo, and being now in all about five 
thousand, they were able to make such a show of resistance and even of aggres¬ 
sion, that the Seiks, some sixty thousand in number, watched to attack them 
Thus cheated on the one hand and baftledon the other, the Khalsa was, as may 
be supposed, in no pleasant mood. To appease them, however, Shere Sing and 
Dehan Sing went among them, and told them, that if they would send to.the Durbar, 
in the Soomun Boorj, two men from every company, troop, and gun, they, the Maha- 



88 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


The officers and Punches of the army being assembled at the 
Hazooreebagh, Heera Sing told them that he had summoned 
them to decide on the best means of tranquilising and govern¬ 
ing the country, and that they might choose and appoint a 


rajah and his Minister, would consult with them as the representatives of the whole 
army. Itwas further proposed by Shere Sing and the Wuzeer, that all the officers 
of the army should be present at this conference, and orders were accordingly issued 
for their attendance ; but the soldiery would not agree to this, and to secure the 
absence of [their officers, they put them under a kind of arrest until the consulta¬ 
tion was over and its results declared. The meeting of this council was, as the 
Seiks themselves express it, the birth-daij of the Painches. The deputies set forth 
all the claims and demands of the army, and the Durbar proposed measures for their 
satisfaction ; but nothing was definitively settled, as the Painches declared that 
they would do nothing without consulting their brethren. In two days, however, 
matters assumed a more pacific aspect, and Shere Sing once more ventured to present 
himself in the Seik camp. When he did so the soldiers gathered around him 
declaring, that though they were well satisfied with the arrangements that had 
been made, there remained one matter yet which required to be settled. They 
stated, that during the time of Runjeet Sing many of their officers, aided by the 
moonshees or writers, had treated them in such a manner by fraud and extortion, 
that they could no longer consent to be commanded by them. They, there¬ 
fore, demanded that the officers indicated should be either posted to other corps 
willing to receive them, or be dismissed from the service altogether. Shere 
Sing, inconsiderately, it may be, gave them full permission to act as they thought 
fit in the matter, and to select or reject the officers as they pleased. On this 
great confusion ensued, arising out of the conflicting opinions of the Painches 
as to which officers should be kept and which dismissed. One corps refused to take 
these officers, and another refused to give up those which were demanded by a 
third ; and so a fierce contention arose among them which went so far that the 
drums of some battalions beat to arms, and there seemed every likelihood of a fierce 
and bloody strife ensuing. Shere Sing, however, to restore order and to extricate 
himself from the dangerous position in which lie found himself, after having with 
some difficulty obtained a hearing, requested them to convene an orderly and regular 
meeting of their Painches, and therein to settle the matter amicably and quietly. 
Having given this advice, which had the immediate effect of restoring order, for 
the moment at least, he took the opportunity of withrawing from among the 
unruly mob of soldiers, and as he departed, uttered the words, “ Kucha pucka 
samalo /” “ Good or bad settle the matter among yourselves.” These words 

had the effect of preventing strife among the soldiers, but they were the 
death warrant of many an unfortunate officer and moonshee. Shere Sing 
had not reached the city ere the troops had murdered many of their officers 
and moonshees, shooting some, cutting down others, and even burning some of 
them alive, rolled up in scarfs ! Others were bound, gagged, beaten, and 
thrown into prison. When once the fierce lust of vengeance was let loose, Shere 
Sing found it vain to attempt to check it either by threats or promises. Hence 



PUNISHMENT OF THE MURDERERS. 


89 


Wuzeer to conduct tlie affairs of the state. For himself, he 
said, he was unwilling to undertake the office, assigning as his 
reason that the enemies of himself and his family would impede 
and obstruct his administration. Nothing but a solemn gua¬ 
rantee on the part of the troops of their zealous and constant 
attachment to him and obedience to his orders, would induce him, 
he said, to accept an office so dangerous and unenviable. This 
declaration had its desired and expected effect. The officers and 
the deputies at once and unanimously declared that he and he 
alone should he the Minister of their choice. Dulleep Sing, they 
said, was their lawful sovereign, and only Ileera Sing should he 
his Wuzeer; and they then and there promised and declared 
that they would at his bidding destroy any one who might 
venture to oppose or thwart him in any way whatsoever. His 


for days the soldiers were seen going about hunting for their victims who had 
concealed themselves from their murderous rage. With such deadly enmity did 
they pursue the moonshees in particular, that even in the streets of Lahore they 
were heard to declare that they would kill every man, woman, and child, who could 
either read or write Persian, the language in which the moonshees kept the pay ac¬ 
counts. Thus in the very city any man who had the misfortune to look like a moon- 
shee, if he appeared abroad was almost certain of being either shot or cut down with¬ 
out inquiry as to who or what he was. In cases in which the pursuers were doubt¬ 
ful as to the calling of their victim, they would search and examine him, and if 
they found upon him writing implements, or if his hands were soft and silky 
and fingers long and tapering, his doom was sealed,—without further parley he was put 
to death. Nor did the families of the moonshees escape, their houses were sacked and 
burnt, and their inmates tortured and ill used, in a manner that it is fearful to think 
upon. This may serve to shew the state and condition of the Seik army at the 
time when the Painches established themselves as its representatives. It may be 
mentioned also, that only one of the two deputies from each company possessed, 
much power or influence; these w r ere called the head Painches, while the others 
were styled Kurr Painches, and were looked on as mere assistants or tools of 
their principals, and their business was chiefly to go among the soldiery and to 
stir them up to any thing that 'their chiefs might desire. The head Painches 
soon got into their own hands the virtual command of the army, and consequently 
almost the entire power of the state; for as they had the means of causing the 
removal of obnoxious officers, the leaders of the army were entirely at their com¬ 
mand. This power they turned to their own advantage on every opportunity, 
selling appointments to the highest bidder, and receiving bribes from opposing 
parties only to side with the strongest when the hour of trial came. 


N 



SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


wishes should be theirs, and whatever line of policy he might 
adopt, he had only to mention it to them, and they were ready to 
support it; and that when force was required for the execution 
of any part of that policy, he had only to give them the word 
and his will should be wrought; and by way of testifying their 
sincerity, they then on the spot proposed the murder or impri¬ 
sonment of certain sirdars who were suspected of being privy 
to the conspiracy of the Scindawallas. By this as well as by their 
oaths and promises, Heera Sing was convinced that his pur¬ 
pose was fully supported; and he now, but with apparent reluc¬ 
tance, agreed to accept the office of Wuzeer. 

Since the death of Shere Sing and his Wuzeer Dehan Sing, 
money and valuable property had been profusely lavished among 
the soldiery, and the pay of most of the officers had been 
advanced threefold. Horses, elephants, carriages, costly jewel¬ 
lery, stored up by Bunjeet Sing were now scattered abroad 
in the most reckless profusion. Instances were known even of 
officers having chosen for themselves the best horses and ele¬ 
phants in the old king’s stables, positively refusing to accept 
any other. In short the most licentious wishes, the most avarici¬ 
ous desires of the Khalsa, men and officers, seemed now ful¬ 
filled, and nothing which they coveted was withheld from them. 
But to effect this the treasures of money and property that 
had been accumulated by Bunjeet Sing for many years, were 
so far drained that if not quite emptied it would at least take 
as many years of a policy like Bunjeet’s to restore them to their 
former condition. During the first two months after Shere 
Sing’s death, betwixt thirty-five and forty lakhs of rupees 
were, it is said, abstracted from the treasury. But though 
so much money and valuables were lavished on the soldiery, 
it is thought that it was not more than perhaps an eighth 
part of what Heera Sing took to himself. 



CHAPTER VII. 

BIRTH AND PARENTAGE OF DULLEEP SING. 


Though the unfortunate Kurruck Sing was, as is believed, 
the only true son of Runjeet Sing, there were several others 
whom he permitted to use that designation, though it was well 
known they were not his children. Thus, Shere Sing-, who after¬ 
wards came to the Guddee, and who was a reputed son of the old 
Maharajh by Metaub Kour, was in reality the son of a dhobee, 
or washerman, who afterwards rose to be mooktear to the 
princess. Tara Sing*, again, said to be a twin brother of Sheer 
Sing, was the son of a carpenter. Multana Sing was the son 
of a slave-woman in the service of Mai Nekeen, the wife 
of Runjeet and mother of Kurruck Sing, his father being a 
farash or attendant on the Zenana. Lahora Sing* was also the 
child of a slave-woman, and as was supposed of Boodh Sing 
Scindawalla. These two were imposed upon Runjeet by Neet 
Kour, widow of Cheyt Sing, former chief of Lahore, whom 
Runjeet on her hushand’s death had taken into his Zenana, 
but who, for her profligacy, he afterwards discarded. It was 
on this occasion that for the purpose of obtaining from him a 
better provision than she could otherwise have claimed, she 
brought forward these children as those of the Maharajh and 
herself. Peshora Sing and Cashmera Sing* were also the sons 
of two slave-women in attendance on the widow of Sahib 
Sing, their fathers being Joy Ram, a buneah, and the other 
a munass, a caste of Rajpoot about Jummoo, and then 
were adopted by the youngest Ranee as her offspring, when 
Runjeet gave them Seealkote as a jageer. 


92 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


Dulleep Sing’, tlie last of the reputed children of the old 
monarch, had, as is well known, as little claim to such dignified 
paternity as any of them. A somewhat larger space must, 
however, be accorded to the history of his birth and parentage, 
which must also include that of his mother, the far-famed 
Ranee Chunda. 

Munnoo Sing, a poor jat of the Oolak caste, and a native of 
Gujerawalla, or a small village in its vicinity, at an early age 
entered the service of Runjeet Sing as a dog-keeper ; but, after 
about fifteen years’ faithful service in this humble office, he 
was raised to the station of a door-keeper. He was, how¬ 
ever, always regarded as a sort of buffoon, and in that cha¬ 
racter was privileged to exercise such wit as he possessed at 
the expense of the Maharajh and his chiefs even in public 
durbar. This man was constantly telling Runjeet that he 
had a daughter, the most beautiful creature in the world, 
whom he would give to the Maharajh as his wife, and 
that she would make the old monarch young again. After 
some time he produced the little girl, and for months carried 
her on his shoulders to the durbar, or wherever Runjeet 
went. The old chief is said to have been pestered day and 
night by Munnoo Sing and his importunities; but for some 
time he treated the matter as a joke and nothing more. 
Yet he was vain enough to be pleased with the idea that 
Munnoo and others should believe and call him a fine able 
jercan or young man ; and he felt some pride in being the 
object of the facetious remarks of the court and town, 
on the occasion of his anticipated nuptials with a girl who 
might pass for his great-grand-cliild. At length, whether 
out of one of those whims, which were so characteristic of 
the old Lion, or out of consideration to poor Munnoo, who 
had taken so much trouble on his account, or to. put an end 
to the buffoonery of which he was the object, he one 
day eased the shoulders of his would-be father-in-law by 


BIRTH AND PARENTAGE OF DULLEEP SING. 


93 


committing* the girl to the care of one Jewahir Mull, a rich 
Hindoo merchant of Umritsir, once Governor of Cashmere, 
and then in attendance at the Maharajh’s Court. This man 
received orders to take the young Chunda home with him, 
and to rear her up at his house in Umritsir. Munnoo was 
overjoyed at this happy result of his labours, and in his exulta¬ 
tion ventured to tell the Maharajli that as the world had 
now recognized him, Munnoo, as his father-in-law, it mattered 
little whether lie did so or not. On this Runjeet told him, 
as he had often done before, that he was nothing better than 
a downright Booroowah— anglice , a pimp. 

However, the young Chunda was sent to Umritsir, where 
she remained for four or five years in the house of Jewahir 
Mull. There she might have remained in quiet much longer, 
her guardian receiving for her maintenance forty-five rupees 
a month—but that she had even at so early an age won for 
herself a character for pertness, forwardness, and something 
even worse. So loose and immodest was her conduct that 
Jewahir Mull, fearing perhaps that the contagion of her vices 
might spread to the members of his own virtuous family, inform¬ 
ed the Maharajh that he could not allow the young Chunda 
to remain in his house any longer. As a reason for praying to 
be released of his charge, he represented, that though the girl 
was then only thirteen or fourteen years of age, she was in 
criminal intercourse not only with one Jewaliir Sing Bussthenee, 
whose house adjoined his own, but that she had more than 
one paramour in the very bazars of Umritsir. This Jewahir 
Sing Bussthenee, a young man and a servant of the Maha¬ 
rajh, when questioned on the matter, candidly confessed all, and 
that to Runjeet Sing himself. The old monarch was well 
pleased to have such disclosures made in the presence of 
the girl’s father, -Munnoo Sing, whose confusion he enjoyed. 
Moreover, anticipating considerable amusement from that pert- 


94 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


ness and forwardness which the girl was said to exhibit, and 
from her generally precocious character, Runjeet readily con¬ 
sented to relieve Jewahir Mull of his charge, and the young lady 
was brought to Lahore to enliven the night scenes in the 
palace. Here she enacted a character almost similar to that 
which her father had performed before her, that of a licensed 
buffoon, her business being to put to shame all, both men and 
women, who were in any degree less depraved or less shameless 
than herself. 

Numerous were the amours in which she was now engaged, 
some withy others without the knowledge and consent of the 
Maharajh. To give a detail of these affairs and of scenes acted 
in the presence of the old Chief himself and at his instigation, 
would be an outrage on common decency; suffice it then to 
say, that Runjeet actually encouraged and forwarded the amours 
of this woman, who passed as his wife, with a person known as 
Gulloo Moskee—formerly a beestee of the palace, but latterly 
an indulged favourite of the Maharajh—and that in nine or ten 
months afterwards the present Maharajh Dulleep Sing was 
born. 

Though every one well knew, and none better than Runjeet 
himself, the history of this child and its parentage, it is a curi¬ 
ous fact that the Maharajh on this as on other similar occasions, 
felt a pleasure in being considered at his age the father of a 
new-born child. Nor did Gulloo, or the mother of the infant, 
with others, scruple to congratulate the old man on the occasion, 
as though he were really the father of the babe. 

Such is the true history of Her Highness, Ranee Chunda, 
up to the time when she presented to the Punjaub its future 
sovereign, for whom at the time no such splendid destiny could 
have been anticipated. The records of her life since that 
period are a part of the chronicles of the country, and will 
be found intertwined with the memoirs of its great men, and 


BIRTH AND PARENTAGE OF DULLEEP SING. 


95 


the narration of the events which have kept it in a state of 
convulsion for the last seven years.* 


* The above is the true history of the lady who has acted so distin¬ 
guished a part in the exciting drama which has been lately played at Lahore. 
That given out as authentic and commonly accepted as the story of Her 
Highness’s early career, differs from it considerably in many particulars, but 
chiefly in giving the lady a more exalted origin than fortune had in store 
for her. It is as follows:—In the year 1828, Runjeet Sing, while in the 
neighbourhood of Gujerawalla, was told of the beauty of the third and 
youngest daughter of one Munna Sing, a Jat Seik of the Oolak caste, a 
Gorechar and Chowdry of Char, a small village about three miles south-east 
of Gujerawalla. On this he sent for Jewalla Sing Puddana, who was married 
to the eldest daughter of Munna Sing, and from him made inquiries as 
to Munna Sing’s family. The result of these inquiries was, that Runjeet 
not only sent proposals to Munna Sing for his daughter, but also deputed 
one Dii Kurmoo with peremptory orders to bring the young girl Chunda 
and place her in the Maharajh’s Zenana. In consequence of these pro¬ 
ceedings the girl was soon domiciled in the tents appropriated to the 
female part of Runjeet’s train. When the old chief arrived at Umritsir, 
Chunda was for the first time ushered into his presence, and he seemed 
much disappointed and not a little angry on finding, that instead of being 
sixteen or seventeen years of age, as represented by Dii Kurmoo and others 
who had first spoken of her to him, she was only between nine and ten. 
As, however, she had some beauty and a promising look, he ordered that 
she should be retained in the Zenana on a stipend of two rupees per diem ; 
but it is certain that Runjeet never took any notice of the girl. 

In the year 1834, the Maharajh had a favourite in one of the common 
moskees or beesties attached to his person. This man’s name was Gulloo, 
a young and forward Mahomedan, who was introduced to the notice of 
Runjeet by his uncle Topee Mookce, who had been placed by the Maharajh 
in charge of the young Rajah Heera Sing, and who, by means not to be 
mentioned, had insinuated himself into the old chief s favour. Gulloo, how¬ 
ever, soon became the principal favourite, and got so far into the good graces 
of his master as to be the only person allowed to mount his favourite saddle 
horses and to ride close to and in front of him. He was, moreover, allowed 
free access to the Zenankhana at any time, day or night, that he might 
choose to enter. He thus became acquainted, perhaps too intimately, with 
various inmates of the Zenana, but in particular it was not long before 
he had established a familiarity and criminal intercourse with the girl Chunda, 
that was notorious, not only in the women’s apartments, but throughout 
the palace and even in the public durbar. Runjeet himself was well aware 



90 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


The infant boy Dulleep remained in the fort with his mother, 
who appears to have made a successful use of her wiles to 
work herself into the good graces of Rajah Delian Sing and 
the Dogra party, who—but of course for their own purposes— 
promised that her child’s interests should not be neglected, 
but that he should be considered by them, equal at least to 
Sliere Sing, Cashmera Sing, Peshora Sing, &c. Thus the boy 
Dulleep remained with his mother until 1841, when the differ¬ 
ences between Maharajh Shere Sing’ and Rajah Delian Sing 
arrived at a crisis. At this period Dehan Sing with the con¬ 
sent of the mother, in whose mind he had raised suspicions of the 
intentions of Shere Sing towards herself and her child, pri¬ 
vately conveyed the boy to Umritsir, and there kept him in 
such privacy, that not even his mother knew the place of his 
concealment, and few of those in the fort at Lahore were 
aware even of the fact of his removal. There can be no doubt 
that had Dehan Sing been successful in his deeply laid de¬ 
signs, he would after the murder of Shere Sing, so long 
determined on by him, have placed the young Dulleep on 
the Guddee, as a convenient puppet in the hands of the Dogras. 

The object of this manoeuvre was to secure all the power of 
the state to the Jammoo family during a long minority, and with 


of the state of affairs, but as Gulloo was a favourite of his, he did no more 
than speak to him in a jocular manner on the subject, without taking any 
steps for putting an end to the intercourse. It was remarked, however, 
that from this period the Maharajh never visited the lady or allowed her 
to appear in his presence; and when in the winter of 1836 he was told that 
she was in an interesting condition, he replied merely by a grim look, 
without making any verbal remark on the occasion. He still seemed to 
regard Gulloo Moskee with all his former favour, but when in February, 
1837, the birth of Dulleep Sing was announced to him, his equanimity 
gave way, and from that moment he withdrew the light of his countenance 
from the otherwise happy father. It is to be remarked, however, that 
Gulloo was then ill of a disease which carried him off within a few weeks 
of the birth of the child. 




BIRTH AND PARENTAGE OF DULLEEP SING. 97 

the almost certainty that before the minority terminated, Heera 
Sing, the hope of the party, would he proclaimed by the unani¬ 
mous votes of the soldiery, sole chief of the whole country. 
The death of Rajah Dehan Sing himself, however, dissipated 
these ambitious schemes; hut still when, after his murder, Heera 
Sing and the Pundit Jellah came into power, they found that 
their best policy would be to bring forward the boy Dulleep 
and proclaim him Maharajh. The child had already been 
brought to Lahore by Dehan Sing, to be ready for the moment 
when it should suit the schemes of that wily chief to place 
him on the throne, after Shere Sing had been disposed of. It 
is a curious fact, that only a few minutes before Dehan Sing 
was shot by one of Ajeet Sing’s followers, this chief asked 
the Rajah whom he considered the fittest person to place 
on the Guddee ? On which Dehan Sing replied, that Dulleep 
Sing was the only person eligible for the dignity. He remarked 
however, that Lena Sing, Ajeet Sing, and himself would govern 
in the name of the boy, until he arrived at a proper age to rule 
the country unaided. Ajeet, however, knew the character of 
the Dogra Rajah too well to put trust in his words, and a 
few moments after this conversation had passed between them, 
the shot was fired which at once ended the life of Dehan 
Sing, and shook to its foundation the vast fabric of ambitious 
schemes, which he had reared for the aggrandizement of his 
family. 


o 



CHAPTER VIII. 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 

Heera Sing immediately on being installed as Wuzeer sent 
to Jummoo requesting the presence of his uncle, Goolaub 
Sing, at the capital. But that wily chief prudently refused 
to trust himself at Lahore until he was fully satisfied that 
the troops were reduced to proper discipline and obedience, 
and firmly attached to the cause of his nephew, which was that 
of himself and all the Logra faction. He had, moreover, a 
personal reason for this unwillingness to trust himself in the 
power of the Khalsa prematurely, in the hate which they bore 
him for his share in the slaughter of some thousands of their 
comrades. However, at the commencement of the cold season, 
Rajah Goolaub Sing arrived at Lahore, where he was well re¬ 
ceived by all. He found, on his arrival, that owing to petty 
dissentions and differences among some of the Sirdars, matters 
were not going on so smoothly as was desirable. Lena Sing 
Majeeteea, indeed, from his belief in Goolaub’s superior power 
and interest, had been induced to agree to the measures of 
Heera Sing, and he was now by Goolaub’s influence allied 
in seeming friendship with the Wuzeer, who before strongly 
suspected him, in common with others, of intriguing against 
him. Rajah Suchet Sing, however, the youngest of the Dogra 
brothers, could not thus readily submit to the rule of his ne¬ 
phew. A rancorous enmity of long standing existed betwixt 
him and the Pundit Jellah, the chief adviser and mooktear 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


99 


of Rajah Heera Sing’. Suchet Sing; was, from his early youth, 
remarkable for his debaucheries. Like his brother, Dehan, he 
had risen to favour and station in the court of Runjeet by 
the most infamous means. They had both attracted the eye 
of the old monarch by their beauty of person, and secured 
his patronage by the most criminal compliance with his desires. 
This intimacy with the sovereign procured them free admis¬ 
sion to the Zenankhanah, or female apartments, a privilege, 
which they both turned to good account. 

It was in some bed-chamber intrigue that Suchet Sing came 
into collision with the Pundit Jellah, who like himself had the 
run of the Zenana, and turned it to a similar purpose. Hence 
arose the hatred which these two eventually bore towards each 
other, and which now began to display itself openly. The 
immediate cause of the outbreak was this. Suchet Sing 
had been for years the favourite of several of the court ladies, 
including some of the widows of Runjeet Sing. But at 
this present time his regards seemed fixed only on the Ranee 
Chunda, the mother of the young Maliarajh Dulleep Sing. 
She on her part returned his affections with equal fervour, 
and in proof of her good-will bade him aspire to the Wuzeerut, 
which she promised to bestow upon him. This liaison , and 
its probable consequences, added bitterness to the jealousy of 
the Pundit, who saw himself likely to be supplanted in power 
as he had been in love. This feeling was shared by the Rajah, 
Heera Sing, the present Wuzeer, whose tenure of office was 
endangered by the ambition of his uncle. However, Suchet 
Sing was favoured by the Ranee, and countenanced by her 
eldest brother, Jewahir Sing', as well as some of the other 
sirdars. Before, however, their arrangements were fully com¬ 
pleted, Suchet Sing, impatient for his promised Honours, 
prevailed on Jewahir Sing to take the young Maharajh on an 
elephant and to go among the troops complaining of the harsh 
treatment which the royal boy experienced at the hands of his 


100 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


minister, Rajah Heera Sing, and his party. It was expected that 
this measure, with the promises of a large increase of pay by 
which it was accompanied, would have induced the troops to de¬ 
pose Heera Sing-and to install Suchet Sing or Jewaliir Sing in his 
place. But it happened that it was late in the evening when 
Jewahir Sing took the prince to the army, and the battalions, 
ready to suspect something wrong, were confirmed in their suspi¬ 
cions by a rumour which soon got abroad, that Jewahir Sing was 
planning the removal of the Maliarajh from the country, with a 
view of placing him in the hands of the British. They there¬ 
fore, ordered him to alight from his elephant, and placing a 
strict watch over him and his young charge for the night, 
promised that in the morning they would give him an answer, 
the night being required for deliberation. Immediately the 
Punches were at work, and a council was held in each batta¬ 
lion. The result was that the friends of Heera Sing pre¬ 
vailed, and it was consequently determined to acquaint the 
minister with what had occurred, and to receive his instruc¬ 
tions for their further guidance. A message was accordingly 
sent to Heera Sing, who immediately returned a gracious 
answer thereto, expressing his admiration of the wisdom 
and loyalty of the troops, who had thus defeated what he 
represented as J ewahir Sing’s plan for removing their sove¬ 
reign into the British territories, whereby they had saved 
many crores of rupees, and much trouble and bloodshed that 
must necessarily have ensued had the traitorous design suc¬ 
ceeded. This message, with liberal rewards, and the minister’s 
presence among the soldiers next morning, induced them to 
give up Jewahir Sing and his followers, whom the young king 
was instructed to deliver over to the tender mercies of his 
Wuzeer to do as he thought proper with them. But the 
troops recommended that Jewahir Sing should be leni¬ 
ently treated, as they attributed his share of the business 
entirely to the instigation of Rajah Suchet Sing. This recom- 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


101 


mendation probably saved the life of Jewahir Sing; but the 
minister thought that the least punishment that could be in¬ 
flicted upon him was to put him in irons and place him in 
close confinement. As for Suchet Sing, the dread of his power 
and influence, and the mediation of his elder brother, Goolaub 
Sing, were sufficient to secure his exemption from all personal 
punishment. But, to mark his displeasure and distrust, the 
Wuzeer ordered that the two battalions of Suchet Sing with some 
other of his men, who were constantly quartered in the fort, 
should be expelled. Furthermore, as these troops did not imme¬ 
diately leave the place on being ordered out, they were over¬ 
powered, disarmed, and otherwise ignominiously treated, and 
turned out by force. At the same time orders were issued pro¬ 
hibiting the entrance of Rajah Suchet Sing, or any of his people, 
without permission from the Wuzeer. This ill-usage galled the 
haughty spirit of Suchet Sing exceedingly. Treated with 
ignominy in the very presence of his mistress, and by the 
order for his exclusion from the fort, cut off from all chance of 
seeing or consulting with her, his indignation knew no bounds. 
But his knowledge of Heera Sing’s present power and in¬ 
fluence, together with the cautions and persuasions of his 
more prudent brother, kept him quiet for the time, and 
in the meanwhile, Goolaub Sing was induced to march for 
Jummoo, apparently for the sole purpose of removing his 
brother from Lahore, and thus to free the court from the risk 
of further disturbance. Goolaub, had, however, reasons more 
selfish for his desire to return to his domain in the hills. He 
had contrived to obtain possession of most of the property which 
his nephew Heera Sing had abstracted from the treasury for him¬ 
self as well as of all that had belonged to his late brother Behan 
Sing; and, indeed, he had now found an opportunity of clear¬ 
ing Lahore of all that appertained to himself and his family. 

Having then given full instructions and counsel to Heera Sing 
and Pundit Jellah for the guidance of their future policy, Rajah 


102 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

Goolaub Sing 1 , accompanied by his brother Suchet Sing, and 
about two thousand of his troops marched for Jummoo. The 
procession resembled, however, rather that of a caravan of 
merchants richly laden with goods and treasure than that of 
a body of soldiers. On arriving at Jummoo, Goolaub’s first 
care was to attend to all the wants and wishes of his brother, 
and having conciliated him by all possible kindness, he pro¬ 
posed, that Suchet Sing, being without issue, while he Goolaub 
Sing had three or four sons (three legitimate and one otherwise) 
should adopt one of his sons and make him his heir. To this 
proposition Suchet Sing agreed, and thence forward Meean 
Runbeer Sing, commonly called Meean Peenoo, Rajah Goolaub 
Sing’s youngest son, was publicly acknowledged as the adopted 
son of Suchet Sing, and heir to all his lands, jaghires, and 
property. 

Having secured this long cherished object, Goolaub Sing turned 
his attention to the furtherance of his party’s interests at Lahore. 
He caused a forged letter to be exhibited in durbar there 
purporting to be from Cashmeera Sing and Peshora Sing, by 
which these two reputed sons of Runjeet Sing were represented 
as deeply implicated in the Scindawalla plot, and consequently as 
accessories to the death of the late king and his minister. The 
effect of this forgery was strengthened and seconded by the 
villainous conduct of Kupoor Sing, one of the oldest and 
most favoured of Cashmeera Sing’s own retainers. He was 
then kardar or governor of Seealkote, which had been given 
as his patrimony by Runjeet Sing to Cashmeera Sing:—Gur- 
riawalla, a small fort to the west of the Chenab, being at 
the same time given to Peshora Sing.* On the evidence 
of these forged letters, and the testimony of this faithless 
servant, Goolaub Sing received orders from Lahore to take 
both the brothers as prisoners and to confiscate their lands 


* The united revenue of both jaghires did not amount to a lakh of 


rupees. 



THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


103 


and property. He, therefore, sent bodies of troops to Seealkote 
and Gurriawalla, and seized all the property of the accused, 
who, however, with their families escaped to the protection 
of a Seik Baba or Gooroo in the neighbourhood.* Hence 
they wrote both to Rnjah Goolaub Sing at Jummoo and to the 
Lahore Durbar, protesting* their perfect innocence, denouncing* 
the forgery, repelling the charge founded thereon, and offering 
to undergo any trial that might be deemed necessary. They 
gave reiterated assurances not only of their neutrality in all state 
disturbances and intrigues, but also of their attachment to the 
present government. All their efforts to prove their innocence 
and avert the threatened blow were useless. Another reason 
was now found for getting them out of the way, or at least of 
keeping them constantly in the power of those in authority;—it 
was remembered that they were the reputed and acknowledged 
if not the real sons of Runjeet Sing, and it was feared that they 
might, on an opportunity offering itself, cause trouble and 
disturbance to those who held the reins of government. 
However, they were now, by Goolaub Sing's crafty policy, 
invited to Jummoo as for the purpose of conferring and settling* 
matters with him. On their arrival he placed guards over 
them, ostensibly for the security of their persons, but in reali¬ 
ty as their jailors. He now demanded from them a sum of 
fifty lakhs, as a fine; but as the Khalsa troops showed 
strong symptoms of their unwillingness to allow of the sons 
of Runjeet being treated in this manner, the project was for 
the present abandoned, and they were released on payment 
of about twenty thousand rupees only, and reinstated in 
their lands and property—or rather as regards the latter, such 
of it as had not been carried off by Goolaub Sing. 

The princes had been made to give security that they would 


* Such was the haste and alarm of their flight, that Cashmeera Sing’s wife 
miscarried of her first child in consequence. 





104 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

not molest their servant, Kupoor Sing', who had aided in 
bringing on their misfortunes ; and they now carried him with 
them on their return home. Many days, however, had not 
passed when the exposure of new acts of villainy and treachery 
on his part so enraged his immediate master, Cashmeera Sing^ 
against him, that he beat him, or had him beaten to such 
a degree, that the man actually died under the punishment. 
This occurrence seemed to Rajah Goolaub Sing to present 
a favourable opportunity for resuming his deep designs against 
his intended victims. He, accordingly, with all haste sent 
intelligence of the murder of Kupoor Sing to Lahore, and the 
Gooroo, who had stood security for Cashmeera Sing’s good 
conduct, was not only called to account but threatened with 
punishment if he did not either realise his security or have the 
two brothers punished for their crime. The Gooroo, on this, 
acknowledged their guilt and his own responsibility, and not 
only wrote to Lahore, but went thither himself to declare to the 
Khalsa troops, that these two brothers deserved and ought to 
receive punishment for their offences, not the least of which, as 
he now said, was that of breaking faith with him their spiritual 
father. The consequence of this was that Rajah Goolaub Sing 
was ordered to attack and seize both Seealkote and Gurriawalla, 
and gladly proceeded to fulfill instructions so acceptable. 
Gurriawalla quickly fell into his hands; but the body of 
troops, seven hundred in number, sent against Seealkote were 
routed and dispersed with great loss by Cashmeera Sing’s own 
personal guard, a body of only about two hundred chosen men. 

Offensive operations against these chiefs having thus again 
commenced, they saw that the only hope of safety for them¬ 
selves and their families was in a vigorous resistance. They, 
therefore, determined to hold out in the strong fort of Seeal¬ 
kote to the last extremity. Exasperated at the defeat and 
slaughter of his troops, Goolaub Sing sent off large bodies of 
men, with artillery, to attack their stronghold. But notwith- 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


105 


standing tlieir overwhelming numbers, their assault failed, 
and they were, after continued and severe loss, compelled to 
raise the siege and retreat to a distance of five or six miles 
from the place. The princes had now with them about three 
hundred horse and five hundred foot. But occasionally they 
would sally out with about a hundred and fifty horse, and 
suddenly attacking large bodies of the enemy would put 
them to flight in thousands, burn and destroy their camp, and 
carry off all that was worth removal. These feats were not 
performed only under cover of darkness, as might be supposed, 
but sometimes in broad daylight, and one or both of the brothers 
invariably conducted the enterprise personally. The chiefs 
themselves almost daily went out hunting, hawking, and 
foraging for miles around, attended sometimes by not more than 
thirty or forty horsemen, while from eight to nine thousand of 
Goolaub Sing’s troops, including two thousand cavalry, had in¬ 
vested the place, and were doing their utmost for its reduction. 
In one of these excursions, the two brothers, with about eighty 
horse, were hawking at quails, &c. for two hours in the fields of 
green corn, not more than six hundred yards from an en¬ 
trenched camp, in which lay two thousand of the enemy’s horse 
with two guns. But they remained unmolested, not a man of 
the besiegers daring to pass the bulwarks which their fear had 
induced them to form. To such an extent did the audacious 
gallantry of the two brothers and their followers work upon 
the timid spirits of Goolaub Sing’s men, that it became neces¬ 
sary to send to Lahore for fresh troops. The Khalsa at first 
refused to proceed against the reputed sons of the great Maha- 
rajh; but afterwards on its being stipulated that no bodily in¬ 
jury should be inflicted on the princes, they agreed to go. 
They were not sent, however, but in their stead were despatched 
one of the Majeeteea battalions and two Mahomedan battalions, 
with the Shere regiment of horse, mostly Dogras or hill men, 
in the pay of the Maharajh. They were accompanied by artil- 

p 


106 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


lery, heavy and light. But all this was to no purpose. The 
troops who were sent, either from their own reluctance to engage 
in such work, or their dread of giving' offence to the great body 
of fhe Khalsa, or from dread of the daring garrison, could not 
be prevailed on to exert themselves for the reduction of the 
place. A new relief of troops was thus found necessary; and 
now the two oldest battalions, formerly belonging to Dehan 
Sing, and subsequently to Heera Sing, with five hundred ca¬ 
valry and six horse artillery guns, were immediately despatched 
from Lahore. On the morning of the third day they arrived 
before Seealkote in the midst of heavy rain. This however did 
not prevent them immediately commencing operations for the 
reduction of the place. About mid-day the weather clearing 
up, the fort and town were closely invested ; and about three 
o’clock in the afternoon a general assault was made on the lat¬ 
ter. It was successful, and an hour before sunset the town of 
Seealkote was fully in possession of the enemy. But it was not 
taken without a gallant resistance on the part of the garrison, 
evidenced by the loss of the besiegers, about two hundred and 
fifty killed and three hundred wounded. The fort yet remained 
to be taken, and throughout the night a heavy cannonade 
upon it was kept up, so that by morning two breaches were in a 
forward state. A mine had also been commenced and had made 
considerable progress. About noon, however, the besieged 
princes finding themselves unequal to the defence, and their 
families being much annoyed by the shot and shells of the be¬ 
siegers, offered to give up the place on condition of their being 
allowed with all their troops and personal property to march 
out unmolested. This was agreed to by the besiegers, and 
after dark the fort was evacuated, and Rajah Goolaub Sing’s 
troops took formal possession. A battalion of half-irregular 
matchlock men, who had mutinied for an increase of pay 
while at Peshawur, and thence marched to Lahore, and were 
sent back with promises of compliances with their demands, 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING* 


107 


while on their return, on their arrival at the Chenaub, altered 
their intention and marching- towards Seealkote joined their 
fortunes with those of Cashmeera Sing and his brother. This 
occurred a few days before any troops from Lahore arrived at 
Seealkote: 

The brothers were encouraged and instigated to the line 
of conduct which they had adopted, by Suchet Sing, who had 
promised them ample assistance both in money and men, but 
who never aided them with any thing more substantial than 
promises. Disappointed in then- expectations from this quar¬ 
ter, the brothers now, instead of repairing to Lahore to present 
themselves to the Durbar, went off to the Manjh country, 
as the district betwixt the Ravee and the Sutlej is called, 
and there wandered about among the gooroos and faqueers, 
endeavouring to secure their intercession and mediation with 
the Court on their behalf. 

Now it should be mentioned, that when the battalions of 
Dehan Sing, with six guns and five hundred horse, were sent 
off from Lahore against Seealkote, the entire body of the 
Klialsa troops protested strongly against the measure, in the 
apprehension that these troops would not only take the fort 
but that they would probably put the two sons of Runjeet 
Sing to death. These and such like considerations induced the 
troops, immediately after the departure of this detachment from 
Lahore, to create disturbances, which they carried to such a 
degree that Rajah Heera Sing, the minister, was for three* 
or four days surrounded by them, and virtually kept a prisoner 
in his house in the city. The Klialsa swore vengeance and 
extermination against the Rajah, his party, and all the Dogras, 
in case any harm should happen to> the two princes. They 
seemed as if nothing would appease or assure them. The 
terms they offered to the minister as the conditions of their 
return to their duty were—1st. That Peshora Sing and Cash¬ 
meera Sing should be preserved harmless, and safely escorted 


108 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


to Lahore, and that the troops should be recalled from Seealkote ; 
2ndly. That Pundit Jellah should be given up to them, or 
at least that he should be expelled from the durbar ; 3rdly. 
They required the recall to office of Misser Belee Ram, an 
old and faithful servant of Runjeet Sing, and his head treasurer 
for many years ; 4thly. They required the recall of their 
Bii Gruntheea , Bii Goormuck Sing, the spiritual adviser 
of the old King; and 5thly. The immediate release of Jewahir 
Sing, the uncle of the young Maharajh Dulleep Sing. 

To these terms Heera Sing acceded so far as, in the first 
place, to send off expresses to Seealkote to stay proceedings 
against the princes, and the messengers arriving while ne¬ 
gotiations for a surrender were pending, the besiegers were 
induced to accept the terms offered by the garrison. In 
respect to Pundit Jellah, the minister declared that he was his 
own private servant, and that when he should be found guilty 
of any crime he should be punished accordingly. As yet 
however, he said, the Pundit was in no way a responsible 
accessory to any act or policy of his, and he promised that, 
he should not thenceforth be allowed to sit in the durbar, and 
should either. be dismissed his, the minister’s, service, or at 
all events prohibited from meddling with state affairs in future. 
As regarded Misser Belee Ram and Bii Goormuck Sing, 
the minister said they were long since dead, put to death as 
traitors with the counsel and consent of the army; and as 
this was the fact, the demands for the production and res¬ 
toration of these men were withdrawn. The fifth and last 
condition was immediately fulfilled by the issue of orders for 
the release of Jewahir Sing, who received a present of two 
thousand rupees for his own personal use and of ten thousand 
rupees for distribution among the troops who had released 
him. Having thus as far as he was able fulfilled the conditions 
demanded of him by the troops, Rajah Heera Sing was enlarged 
from the virtual captivity in which he had for three days 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


100 


been held, and having distributed some presents among the 
troops he was again treated as their favourite and extolled 
as a liberal and popular minister. 

The news of the misunderstanding betwixt Heera Sing and 
the army reached Jummoo and inspired Suchet Sing with 
a hope of being able to supplant his nephew in the fa¬ 
vour of the troops, and as a consequence in the office of 
Wuzeer. Four or five battalions had, moreover, it seems, in 
their temporary pique with the minister, sent an invitation to 
Suchet Sing to come to Lahore without loss of time. He ac¬ 
cordingly hastened to the capital; but on his arrival found 
that the storm which promised to blow good for him had passed 
over, and that the wind was again in his nephew’s favour. He, 
however, nothing daunted, arrived at Ekrar ke puttun, a ferry 
on the Ravee, three or four koss from Lahore. It was in the 
evening that he reached this spot, attended by only about ten 
horsemen. He immediately sent a messenger to the battalions 
that had invited him, announcing his arrival, but not receiving 
an answer so soon as he expected, the impatient chief deter¬ 
mined to cross the river and present himself to the troops, 
hoping that his presence and promises would effect for him all 
that he required. In this, however, he was mistaken;—the 
very men who had sent for him were now the first to tell him 
that he had better retrace his steps, as Rajah Heera Sing hav¬ 
ing but two days before complied with the terms of reconcilia¬ 
tion offered by the Khalsa, they were again faithfully bound to 
him; and that were it otherwise, these four or five battalions 
only could not think of standing out against the decision of all 
the rest of the army. They therefore strongly advised Suchet 
Sing to return to Jummoo and wait for a better opportunity. 
But the gallant Dogra, rash as he was brave, had determined 
not to draw back from the enterprise which he had once 
begun; and as he would not leave the camp at their suggestion 
the troops afraid of incurring the displeasure of their comrades 


110 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

by keeping- him among’ them, actually ordered him away in the 
middle of the night. Ashamed of himself for having thus 
been duped, and exasperated against those who had betrayed 
him, Suchet Sing determined to brave the worst that could 
befall him. For the remainder of that night he remained 
in an old mosque, where he rested, surrounded by his followers, 
now about two hundred horse and one hundred and fifty foot. 
Meantime the minister, having in the evening heard of his 
arrival, sent several messages to him, bidding him retrace his 
steps to the hills, and conveying various fierce threats of 
rough treatment in case of his non-compliance. But this 
was just the way to induce a man like Suchet Sing to determine 
on standing his ground to the last, and it had that effect on him. 
He scorned the thought of humbling himself in any manner, 
and as he knew his case was now hopeless, he resolved to* 
die where he was, with the few followers who still remained 
faithful to him, all but about forty-five of his own chosen men, 
having deserted him during the night. 

Rajah Heera Sing had made every preparation for the attack,, 
and daylight found the devoted little band surrounded by 
fourteen or fifteen thousand infantry, three or four thousand 
horse, and fifty-six pieces of artillery, heavy and light! Such a 
force did Heera Sing deem necessary to ensure the destruction 
of his brave uncle and the knot of resolute spirits that clung 
to him to the last. While this overwhelming force was mak¬ 
ing its preparations for the assault, Suchet Sing and liis 
followers remained composedly in the mosque, hearing some 
passages of their holy book read to them. They were thus 
engaged when a tremendous cannonade was opened on the 
building. Still amidst the continuous roar of the artillery 
the reader went on, and still his brave audience strove to catch 
the sacred words. But soon the walls of the mosque were 
beaten down by the fire, and no longer afforded protection to 
those within. And now the reader closed his book, and Suchet 


THE WUZEEBUT OF IIEERA SING. 


Ill 


Sing and liis followers arose to meet their fate like good 
soldiers as they were. As they stood up, a cry was heard 
without, and they beheld the host of fifteen thousand men 
with fixed bayonets, rushing forward upon them on all sides. 
When the enemy was within a hundred yards, Suchet Sing 
put himself at the head of his men and was rushing forward 
to meet the foe. But he was pulled back by his Wuzeer 
Rai Kissera Sing, and placed in the centre of the little band, 
who dauntlessly advanced to meet the hostile ranks. As 
they set forward, Rajah Suchet Sing exclaimed in bitter irony, 
that the number of troops sent by the Wuzeer was somewhat 
too small for the occasion! The handful of heroes, sword in 
hand, now rushed upon the thickest mass of their destroyers 
and so furious and desperate was their onset, that they actually 
broke through or drove back four entire battalions, killing 
upwards of thirty of the foremost ranks. Rai Kissera Sing, 
a brave and powerful man, with his own hand cut down nine 
of the most forward of the enemy, and several men were 
killed by the bayonets of their comrades in their attempts 
to flee. But this desperate valour availed not the devoted 
band so fearfully overmatched; in a short time forty-two 
of the men were lying dead on the field, and four fell badly 
wounded, of whom only one survived. Rajah Suchet Sing, 
it is hardly needful to say, was among the slain. The 
entire loss of the assaulting force was seventy-eight killed on 
the spot, and fifty-nine wounded, of whom twenty-seven subse¬ 
quently died. About thirty more fell upon the weapons of their 
comrades in the panic and confusion of the onset made by 
Suchet Sing and his band. The total loss of the Khalsa, on 
this occasion, was, in killed and wounded, about one hundred 
and sixty. 

When all was over, the troops were ordered back to their 
lines, and Heera Sing went out to view the bodies of his 
uncle and others of his relatives who had fallen with Suchet 


112 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

Sing. He first came upon tliat of Rai Kissera Sing, who was 
well known at court as one of the best soldiers in the country, 
and who had that day cut down about twenty of the foe ere 
he fell. Several times had this strong and valiant man been 
struck down, but as often had he risen to renew the slaughter 
which marked his progress. At length with two mortal stabs 
of the bayonet he went down for the last time, but not before 
he had killed the authors of his death wounds. When 
Rajah Heera Sing visited the scene of butchery, Rai Kissera 
was still alive, and on seeing the Wuzeer attempted to utter 
the Rajpoot salutation “ Jye deb,” after which he made signs for 
water, when Rajah Heera Sing brutally answered his mute re¬ 
quest by telling him it would have been well had he remained in 
the hills, where there was plenty of clear cold water. Rai Kissera 
Sing died shortly after. At the sight of his uncle’s body, Heera 
Sing seemed much affected, and actually shed tears. He or¬ 
dered that the corpse should be carried from the field in his own 
palanquin; and the like honour was paid to the bodies of 
Rai Kissera Sing, and of Bheem Sein, the principal mooktear 
of Rajah Suchet Sing. The rest were disposed of according 
to their rank and condition. That same day Heera Sing 
was present at the funeral obsequies of his uncle, whose body 
was burnt near the mausoleum of Meean Oottum Sing, the 
eldest son of Goolaub Sing, who was killed with No Nehal 
Sing. 

It is believed that had it not been for the presence and 
influence of the Pundit Jellah, this affair would not have had 
so fatal a termination. But Rajah Heera Sing believed the 
Pundit to be an infallible astrologer, and when this worthy 
assured him that should he spare his uncle, he himself would 
not be alive to see the sun set that evening, the credulous 
Wuzeer fancied that his uncle’s life alone could redeem his own. 
He was persuaded by his counsellor that one of the two must 
die that day, and that the troops were marching and would 


THE WUZEERUT OP HEERA SING. 


113 


in two hours go over to Suchet Sing if they were not in the 
meantime sent to destroy him. 

While these things were passing at Lahore, the unfortunate 
brothers, Kashmeera Sing and Peshora Sing, were wandering 
about the Manjh, seeking rest and protection. At length 
they joined the camp of one Bii or Baba Beer Sing, a chela or 
disciple of the Gooroo Oona Salieb. This religious man had 
for years roved about the Manjh, levying alms and con¬ 
tributions to such an extent that he was now very rich. He 
had, however, for some time past been considered as a disaf¬ 
fected and dangerous character, and was accused of instilling 
revolutionary principles into the minds of the Seik people and 
soldiery. To strengthen the suspicion against him, he had 
managed to collect and was able to maintain a force of twelve 
hundred infantry, two or three hundred horse, and two guns,— 
a strange following for a man professedly and professionally 
holy! To crown all, he had of late afforded an asylum to cer¬ 
tain Chiefs and Sirdars who had fallen into disgrace at court, 
and who with their retainers swelled the Baba’s force to about 
three thousand men and three guns. Whether Baba Beer Sing 
had any treasonable object in view, or intended to interfere 
in state affairs, cannot now be said. It is certain, however, that 
Ileera Sing and the Pundit saw enough in his conduct and 
position to induce them to plan the extermination of him 
and his whole camp. Had they openly avowed this design 
to the army it would have cost them their lives, for the 
soldiers held the Baba in high respect and reverence. They 
flocked to him daily with their alms and offering’s, and he in 
return treated them liberally, keeping a free table, which was sup¬ 
plied with food for fifteen hundred every day. Heera Sing and 
his adviser well knew then that they must proceed with the 
utmost caution in carrying out their design. Nothing but the 
most subtle contrivance, the most delicate management, could give 
them a chance of success. As part of the plan, Heera Sing 

Q 


114 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

in his own name and that of the child Dulleep Sing, wrote 
to Baba Beer Sing’ in the most humble and respectful terms, 
requesting his prayers and good will, telling the holy man 
that the Maharajh and his Minister considered him as their 
father, &c. The letters were accompanied by presents of 
money and other valuables, and by a written promise of a 
suitable jaghire whenever the Baba desired it. The object of 
this scheme was to throw the Baba off his guard, and it had 
its desired effect. General Mathaub Sing Majeeteea was now 
treated with the utmost kindness and attention. Valuable 
presents were lavished upon him, and to all appearance he became 
the favourite and confidant of the Minister. Heera Sins; 
told this General that he was greatly perplexed and distressed 
by information which he had received from Hindostan, to the 
purport that Sirdar Uttur Sing Scindawalla had formed alliances 
with the British, as well as with some of the Seik Chiefs beyond 
the Sutlej. The Minister professed to be greatly troubled by 
this news, and begged the General’s advice and assistance 
on the emergency. Mathaub Sing expressed his perfect readi¬ 
ness to afford both his counsel and assistance, and the Wuzeer 
then suggested to him that he should march with his fourth 
battalion to Umritsir, and thence write in his own name and 
in that of others to Uttur Sing-, with declarations of friendship 
and attachment from himself and all the troops. These letters 
were however, to be of such a tenor as might induce the 
Scindawalla to come across the river and join Baba Beer’s 
camp, the Minister being ready through the mediation of 
that holy man to be reconciled to him. To this plan the 
General agreed, and having taken an oath of secrecy, marched 
for Umritsir with his troops. He was, however, before 
his departure further informed, that it was not alone for the 
reason mentioned that he was sent to Umritsir, but that his 
presence was there required because an outbreak of hosti¬ 
lities between the British and the court of Gwalior was daily 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


115 


expected, and it was the Minister’s intention, should the former 
suffer any reverses, to cross the Sutlej with the whole army. 
There was one Goolaub Sing’, commonly styled Calcutteea, 
from his having commanded the escort of Gujer Sing, brother 
of Lena Sing Majeeteea, when that chief was some years before 
sent on a friendly mission to the Governor-General at Calcutta. 
This Goolaub Sing Calcutteea was known, for some private 
reason, to hold the Scinda.walla family in the greatest abhor¬ 
rence. He was now treated much as General Mathaub Sing 
had been, and the same disclosures were made to him But 
as from his known hatred of the Scindawallas he could not 
pretend to write friendly letters to Uttur Sing in his own name, 
he was instructed to forge as many as he required for his pur¬ 
pose, which was to induce the chief to cross the river and 
to join Baba Beer Sing’s camp with a view to a reconciliation 
betwixt him and the Minister. Thus this General, having taken 
an oath of secrecy, was induced to march for Kussoor with his 
troops, the same reasons having given him for this movement 
as in the case of Mathaub Sing. These preliminary arrange¬ 
ments being completed, numerous letters, bearing* the forged 
signatures of various Sirdars, Chiefs, Generals, Colonels, and 
other officers, were addressed to Baba Beer Sing, the purport 
of all being the same, entreaties that the holy man would 
exercise his influence to induce Uttur Sing to cross the river 
and join his camp, when he was assured that the writers would 
join heart and hand to procure the Scindawalla’s restoration to 
his former rank and power, perhaps to raise him above his former 
position. The credulous Bii was thus induced to open a private 
correspondence with Uttur Sing, and, to assure him of what was 
promised, sent some of these letters to him. The Scindawalla 
was duped as completely as the Baba, and unwisely determined 
once more to try his fortune across the Sutlej. All his 
movements and intentions were, however, well known to Heera 
Sing, and through the instrumentality of the Generals above 


11(3 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR* 

named, all Uttur Sing’s correspondence was daily sent tc? 
the Minister at Lahore. 

Thus matters had advanced towards a crisis when the day 
appointed for Uttur Sing’s return across the river became 
known to the Minister who prepared his schemes accordingly. 
Shaik Imam-ood-deen, son of the Governor of Cashmere, and 
himself Governor of the Jullundur Doab, a well known enemy 
of the Khalsa, was now taken into the Wuzeer’s confidence, and 
instructed in the part he was to act. He was on some pretence 
and at a certain time to be ready with at least fifteen hundred 
Muckthas, or irregular troops, near the Baba’s camp. Then 
when the Khalsa troops had by some pretext been induced 
to surround the camp, and in the confusion and tumult which 
must necessarily ensue, the Shade was to find some means of 
bringing on a disturbance. In the general melee which would 
follow, he was to make sure of the different victims, of whose 
names a list was given to him. Being notoriously an inveter¬ 
ate enemy of the Seiks and their race, the Shaik who governed 
the district in which the scene was laid, was just the man 
for this purpose, and he entered into the scheme proposed with 
the greatest readiness. Jewahir Mull, the Dewan of the 
late Rajah Suchet Sing, and a younger brother of He era 
Sing, was likewise made privy to the affair, and was with 
about two thousand five hundred Chariyaree Gorechars to 
support and assist the Shaik in the performence of his part 
of the plan. Their rule of action - was to raise and keep up 
as much confusion and hostility as possible among the mixed 
mass that were to be assembled at the camp of Baba Beer 
Sing on a certain day. By this it was hoped that the 
Seik battalions might, by the means to be employed, be involv¬ 
ed, they knew not how, in a general fight, which should have 
the appearance of being brought on by some mischance, as 
was very often the case with the Seik soldiery. 

All being now arranged, Uttur Sing’s entrance into the Pun- 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


117 


jaub was publicly made known ; and thereupon, Rajah Heera 
Sing*, seemingly in the greatest consternation, immediately 
called a general assembly of the Khalsa officers and Punches. 
The meeting was harangued by the Minister in language which 
he had learnt by rote from the frequent repetition of Pundit 
Jellah. The purport of liis speech was briefly as follows:—That 
since the death of Shere Sing the state and country had 
never been in such danger as now;—that Uttur Sing Scinda- 
walla, supported by twelve or fifteen thousand British troops, 
had actually crossed the Sutlej into the Punjaub, and that 
the British army was encamped on the bank of the river; 
that Uttur Sing had renewed his former engagement with 
the British of six annas in the rupee as their share of the 
revenue; that they had agreed to occupy the country and to 
put him at the head of affairs; that they would disband the whole 
Seik army, whose assistance was now, if ever it had been, 
most urgently required for the maintenance of the national 
honor and independance; that Uttur Sing, with three thousand 
of his own followers, was encamped with Baba Beer Sing> 
and that they had only to show a bold front to him to induce 
him either to recross the Sutlej into Hindostan, or to accept terms 
of reconciliation and come to Lahore, where he, Heera Sing, 
would endeavour, at any cost, to make him a friend of the 
state; and lastly they had only to hint to Baba Beer Sing, 
that he was too holy and good a man to harbour or countenance 
one like Uttur Sing Sciridawalla, who, as was plain to all, 
had actually sold his country. 

The Seiks, after much hesitation, agreed to comply with the 
Minister’s propositions, still declaring however, that they would 
not stir from Lahore if they thought they should have to fight 
against or injure the Baba. But Heera Sing in the presence 
of the troops prostrated himself at the name of the Baba, 
and prayed to heaven that the holy man might, by some divine 
interposition, be induced to separate himself from Uttur Sing, 


118 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

or be by some other means kept out of the way of harm$ 
and he solemnly and repeatedly assured the Seiks that not 
a man of them felt a greater reverence and regard for the Bii 
than he did. Thus assured the battalions marched from Lahore, 
and Generals Mathaub Sing Majeeteea and Goolaub Sing 
Calcutteea advanced with their divisions from Umritsir and 
Kussoor. Meean Lall Sing, a relative of the Minister, was 
sent in charge of the whole expedition and to direct the plan 
to the desired result. Every thing turned out exactly to the 
wishes of the Wuzeer, whose plans were so well devised and 
arranged that they could hardly fail of success. The Seik 
troops, advancing on all sides, closed round the camp of the 
Baba and his companions. They still believed, however, that 
a reconciliation would be quickly effected, and that Uttur 
Sing would return with them to Lahore as a friend. From 
this anticipated event, they, the soldiers, hoped to reap a harvest 
of presents and favours on their return to the capital. 

But these peaceful anticipations were not destined to be real¬ 
ised. Meean Lall Sing sent Seiks of different grades backwards 
and forwards betwixt the Khalsa camp and that of Baba Beer 
Sing, ostensibly for the purpose of persuading the holy man to 
give up Uttur Sing*, or to compel him to recross the river. 
This, as it was intended it should, created some confusion and 
contention among the troops, who began to close round the 
Baba’s camp. Meean Lall Sing improved this tumult to his 
own purposes, by advising the Seiks to unlimber their artillery 
and to range it in front of Uttur Sing’s force, in the 
hope of overawing them by this significant threat, and thereby 
inducing them to yield. This, of course, greatly increased 
the confusion and uproar, and led by various imperceptible steps 
to a general engagement. When the firing commenced, Gene¬ 
ral Goolaub Sing was engaged in a conference with Uttur Sing, 
who immediately on seeing the turn that affairs were taking, 
and knowing the character of the man, concluded that he had 


THE WUZEERUT OF IIEERA SING. 


119 


been treacherous, and either shot him with his own hand or by 
that of one of his men. The General had with him a guard 
of about thirty soldiers, and the precipitate flight of these 
men to their own side was the signal for the Khalsa to 
join in the affray. Immediately on the cry of these fugi¬ 
tives being heard, it was drowned in the roar of artillery which 
was now unsparingly used on either side. One of the first 
victims was the holy Bii, one of whose legs was nearly knock¬ 
ed off by a cannon ball. Uttur Sing and Cashmeera Sing, with 
some other Sirdars, fell in the hand to hand conflict which 
ensued. Numbers of their people were drowned in the river in 
the attempt to escape. The Seiks lost all their former reverence 
for their Gooroo, the sight of the rich plunder which his camp 
afforded being a temptation too strong for their piety. Their 
only object, now, was to secure every man for himself as much 
of the booty as he could ; but for this they had to fight 
hard. 

When the struggle was over the Baba was found breathing 
his last in exclamations against those of his own caste and 
creed. He now produced many of the letters which he had 
received,—the forgeries before mentioned—to prove, as he sup¬ 
posed, the treachery and villainy of the Seik chiefs and officers, 
who, as he believed, to the last, had written these letters, 
instigating him to take the part of Uttur Sing. “When,” said he 
to the Seiks, around him, “ you and your chiefs and officers 
wrote these letters to me with the most solemn promises both 
to myself and Uttur Sing, I relied on your good faith and 
agreed to your proposals, in the hope of obtaining for Uttur 
Sing and his family the means of a quiet livelihood ; but you, 
calling yourselves Seiks, are worse than Mahomedans, you 
have proved yourselves a vile, treacherous, and unfaithful 
race, without piety or religion. Still my dying prayer to 
heaven is, may even your wickedness be requited by good.” 
He then gave directions that his body should be thrown into 


120 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

the river, that his bones might not be left on such a land of 
iniquity. 

It is a fact that to the very last moment before the conflict, 
the Baba had no suspicion that the Seiks entertained any 
hostile intentions towards either himself or Uttur Sing* Scinda- 
walla, as was proved by his actually having victuals provided 
for ten thousand men, saying as he ordered the slaughter 
of five hundred goats for the feast, that the Seiks were coming 
as his visitors, and he must entertain them as such. 

All being over the troops returned to their camp, and 
marched that night or early the next morning, encamping for 
want of water on the bank of the river opposite Ferozepore. 

Peshora Sing, the day before this battle, had come to Lahore 
to make his submission and to entreat pardon from his brother. 
But before he had been there many hours now news arrived of 
Cashmeera Sing’s fate, and there being no other alternative, the 
Minister installed him in his former jaghires, &c. He was 
immediately sent off with presents and money to Gurriwalla, 
when he declared his intention to live a quiet and retired life. 
The wives and mother of Cashmeera Sing, who were in the camp 
of Beer Sing, were captured by Meean Lall Sing, and pri¬ 
vately sent off towards Lahore covered up in a cart. But 
a rumour of this and of their bad treatment—they were re¬ 
fused even water to drink—-coming to the ears of the Ivhalsa, 
the whole army shewed a strong disposition to mutiny, and 
two or three hundred men immediately set off in pursuit of the 
escort, which they speedily overtook. They beat the guard, 
Mean Ball’s men, who fled, and the unfortunate women were 
released and brought back to camp, the troops engaging 
that they would prevail on the Wuzeer to provide them with 
suitable and honorable maintenance. 

The Khalsa now called to mind the death of the revered 
Gooroo. They laid all the blame of his murder on Jewaliir 
Mull and Meean Lall Sing, and rushed tumultuously upon 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


121 


the camp of the latter, who however escaped to that of the 
Gorechars, some twenty-eight thousand men, who for the 
time protected him, but by whose advice he during the night 
quitted their camp, and with only seven horsemen went 
off towards the south. Thence having disguised themselves 
they turned towards Lahore, but lingered in the neigh¬ 
bourhood of that city for some days before they ventured 
to enter it. 

Peace and quiet were now restored among the Khalsa troops, 
but they long remembered with remorse the death of their 
revered teacher; and the men of General Court’s battalion 
as being more particularly concerned in his murder, were 
thenceforward termed Gooroomars, or slayers of the Gooroo, 
and it was some time before any of their comrades would 
eat or drink with them. 

Soon after this event of the death of Baba Beer Sing, Cash- 
meera Sing’, and Uttur Sing Scindawalla, a great show of enemity 
was made betwixt Rajah Heera Sing and his uncle Goolaub 
Sing. Those well informed on the subject believe that though some 
slight misunderstanding may have existed in respect to money 
matters,—Goolaub Sing claiming the property of Delian Sing 
and Suchet Sing, his brothers, and even keeping his hold of 
some of that entrusted to his care by his nephew—the display of 
hostility originated in that crooked policy for which the Dogra 
chiefs were notorious, and was merely intended as a blind to the 
world at large. However Heera Sing now publicly announced 
that he had for many months past in vain tried peaceful mea¬ 
sures to bring his uncle to a quiet and amicable settlement 
of their differences. lie, therefore, summoned a General 
Council of the army and requested its advice as to what 
was to be done to bring his uncle to terms, and its aid in 
carrying the measures determined on into effect. What he 
required from Goolaub Sing was—1. An increase of one-fourth 
of the revenue from lands belonging to the Sirkar and held 

R 


122 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

by Goolaub Sing’. [This it is believed was designed to cover 
the introduction of a similar scale of rent throughout the 
Punjaub.] 2. The restoration of all the lands, jaghires, 
and other property of Rajah Suchet Sing. 3. The restora¬ 
tion of all the property of the late Rajah Delian Sing; and 
4. The presence of Rajah Goolaub Sing at Lahore. To 
enforce these demands, twenty battalions of infantry, with 
a due proportion of cavalry and artillery were despatched 
towards Jumrnoo. But so slowly were they sent that the 
Seiks soon saw that affairs were as yet very irresolutely carried 
on, and they soon began to harbour a suspicion that some foul 
play was intended. This belief was strengthened by a reflec¬ 
tion on the fact that the troops were sent forward by different 
routes, and separated into small detachments; while news came 
in which told that Goolaub Sing with not less than thirty or 
thirty-five thousand men was strongly encamped and ready 
either to give or receive battle. Moreover it was known that 
he had the power to raise in rebellion all the people of the 
Baar, or low jungle country, and of all that to the west¬ 
ward of the Jhelum as far as Attock; and it was also known 
that he was in close communication with Sirdar Teja Sing, 
Governor of Peshawur, and with Dost Mahomed of Cabul. 
He had likewise about this time procured the liberation of 
Zubburdust Khan, a refractory chief, from prison in Cashmere, 
where his influence was notoriously greater than that of the 
Lahore Durbar. Affairs stood thus when, on account of the 
suspicions of the troops, it was deemed inadvisable to move' 
any further in the matter. The Khalsa was therefore ordered 
to halt and remain stationary where they were, scattered over 
the country in small detachments and not very far from Lahore. 
At the same time Bii Ram Sing, Dewan Denanauth, Sliaik 
Imam-ood-deen (son of the Governor of Cashmere) and others 
were sent to Jumrnoo to endeavour by negotiation to bring 
the misunderstanding to a peaceable termination. To this 


THE WUZEERUT OF IIEERA SING. 


123 


mission Rajah Goolaub gave for answer that he would not 
treat until Meean Jewahir Sing, the younger brother of Rajah 
Heera Sing, should arrive from Lahore, when he would be 
ready to agree to almost any terms proposed. In a few 
days, therefore, Meean Jewahir Sing arrived at Jummoo, and 
ere long the troops were recalled to Lahore, every thing being 
satisfactorily arranged. The mission also returned to Lahore, 
bringing with them Meean Sone Sing, the second and now the 
eldest son of Rajah Goolaub Sing. 

Six battalions were now ordered to proceed towards Attock 
and Peshawar, where troops were likely to be required, the 
rebel chief Zubburdust Khan having fomented disturbances 
in the Hazareh, Trinoul, and Moozufferabad districts. Many 
days had not elapsed when news arrived that the Moolkeas 
(inhabitants) of Hazareh, Moozufferabad, Kukka Bumba 
&c. had collected to the number of twenty-five or thirty 
thousand, and were joined by the brother of Paindha 
Khan with his troops. It was believed, however, in Dur¬ 
bar that they were headed or at least directed by some of 
the sons of Dost Mahomed, that they had actually taken 
all the forts from Hazareh to Cashmere, killing upwards 
of fifteen hundred Seiks, and that they were now on the point 
of attacking Cashmere itself. A day or two later news 
arrived of the capture of Cashmere, that the Durbar troops, 
twelve hundred Rohillas, had joined the insurgents, and 
that the Governor, with some five hundred men, was shut up 
in the fort of Hurree Purvut, near the capital. After this 
no certain intelligence arrived, accounts coming in of the roads 
being impassable from snow, and rumours going abroad of 
the Governor’s death. Matters stood thus, when Meean Jewahir 
Sing arrived in haste from Jummoo on some special and pri¬ 
vate business; he had a secret conference with the Minister and 
after a stay of only two days went off on his return. On this the 
six Seik battalions and other troops that were in the Hazareh 


121 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

countiy received urgent commands to march immediately for 
Cashmere by the Moozufferabad road, which because of the snow 
was at that season of the year utmost impassable even for a single 
cossid or hurkara. To add to the difficulties reported, it was said 
that betwixt Moozufferabad and Cashmere, there were a large 
fort and twenty smaller ones, all in the hands of the insurgents* 
Shaik Imam-ood-deen, the son of the Governor, was accordingly 
sent off with two Seik battalions and about a thousand or twelve 
hundred Ramgoles and new levies, in great haste and badly 
equipped, to make his way to Cashmere by the Bimber and 
Poonch road. After these details it is not to be wondered 
at that nothing was done, that the various divisions of the 
army stood fast on the route, and never reached Cashmere, 
while in the mean time the storm that had threatened blew 
over. 

Soon after Meean Sone Sing arrived at Lahore, and when 
to all appearance, the friendship betwixt Goolaub Sing and 
his nephew the Wuzeer was perfectly re-established, a report 
was got up, that an entire battalion, of Goolaub’s troops 
stationed at Gujerat, had been cut up, and a large convoy 
of treasure attacked and plundered by Peshora Sing. The 
truth of the story appears to be that Goolaub Sing during 
the time of his differences with his nephew frequently made 
offers of alliance to the Prince, and promised him supplies 
of men and money to prevail on him to join against Heera Sing. 
Peshora Sing was thus induced to raise some eighteen hundred 
or two thousand men, horse and foot, to assist the Dogra 
chief. When Goolaub had settled his differences with his nephew, 
he without ceremony discharged about twelve or fifteen thou¬ 
sand of his troops, paying them but a very small part of what 
was due to them, and even taking then* arms and accoutrements 
from many of them. Just at this tune the men whom Peshora 
Sing had raised, and who were encamped at Gurriawalla 
demanded their pay. Thereupon the Prince being without 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


125 


money himself, wrote to Goolaub Sing, requesting the fulfilment 
of his promises and the transmission of funds for the payment 
of these troops enlisted for his service. Goolaub, however, 
seeing the ease with which he had been able to get rid of 
his own surplus troops, told Peshora Sing to act with his two 
thousand as he had done with his larger body—to turn them 
adrift without ceremony. But the Prince on receiving this 
reply thought it better to read and explain it to his men than 
to act upon it at once. He told them that he could not 
himself pay them, and he therefore gave them liberty to 
disband themselves and go where they might choose. Ulti¬ 
mately most of these men were induced to go to Gujerat 
and its vicinity, under some hopes held out to them of being 
paid their arrears. But they received nothing but insult 
and ill-treatment from Goolaub Sing’s sirdars, moonshees, 
and other officials, who presumed upon the support of a batta¬ 
lion of their master’s troops then and there present. However 
this treatment so enraged the insulted and cheated soldiers of 
Peshora Sing, that it brought on a bloody conflict in which 
Goolaub’s force was routed with great slaughter, and the city 
of Gujerat taken and plundered. It is asserted, however, 
that Peshora Sing was not personally present on this occa¬ 
sion nor had any thing whatever to do with the affair. But 
at Lahore the Klialsa Council was assembled, and the matter 
was described in quite a different light with a view to obtain 
the consent of the army to the measures which it was 
intended to adopt for the purpose of getting rid of the Prince. 
Rajah Goolaub Sing, also, was preparing to act against the 
obnoxious chief with all his power and cunning. But the day 
after the consultation at Lahore, news arrived that the Prince 
had absconded, and as notliing further was heard of him 
for some time, all the schemes against him were laid aside. 

Another important character now comes upon the stage of 
the Lahore draipn,—Sirdar Jewahir Sing, the brother of the 


126 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

Maharajh’s 'mother. This worthy had for some time back 
been living- at Umritsir, apparently and according to common 
report absorbed in revelling and drunkenness. Rajah Heera 
Sing had several times ordered him to present himself at 
Lahore, but to no purpose, he continued at Umritsir seeming¬ 
ly given up to his debasing pleasures and careless of the 
affairs of state. It is however suspected that his devotion to 
pleasure and indifference to political matters were in a great 
measure assumed for the purpose of hiding the real designs 
of an ambitious man. It is thought that Jewahir Sing em¬ 
ployed the opportunity afforded by his residence at Umritsir 
in successful efforts to sow the seeds of disaffection and revo¬ 
lution among the Seiks, Akalees, Biis, Gooroos, and other 
fanatics who dwelt at or resorted to the holy city, or who 
were scattered throughout the Manjh districts in the neighbour¬ 
hood. In time his plans received the support and countenance 
of many of the Seik sirdars, most of whom had become tired 
of the Dogra ascendancy. He had also brought over to 
his party many of the regular Khalsa troops, their officers and 
deputies. He now, therefore, returned to Lahore to complete 
his plans and to carry them into effect. 

Then ensued one of those ominous calms which to those 
well read in the signs of the times foretold a coming storm. 
The approach of some appalling event might always be pretty 
surely predicted from the perfect silence preserved alike by 
the army and the court on political matters. This porten¬ 
tous silence was styled by the Seiks a hurra choop. During 
this choop neither sirdars, chiefs, officers, or soldiers seemed in¬ 
clined to speak on matters which they were inwardly revolving. 
No visits were paid, every man keeping at home secretly pre¬ 
paring for the approaching convulsion. The chiefs, both of the 
court and the army, were privately engaged in drawing armed 
men around them and sending out spies in every direction. 
Each battalion of the army quietly made .arrangements to 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


127 


insure its own safety, and to join its fellows when the 
moment for the struggle arrived. Such was usually the state 
of affairs in and about Lahore when any great crisis was 
impending ; and such was the case now when Jewaliir Sing 
was in the capital planning the destruction of Heera Sing 
and his own elevation to the Wuzeerut. 

On the first day of the month the Ranee Chunda, the mother 
of Maliarajh Dulleep Sing, according to custom, distributed 
one hundred golden budltees as charity in the name of her 
son. On this occasion she was threatened and grossly abused 
by the Pundit Jellah, and she complained of this ill usage to her 
brother Jewaliir Sing. It now also come out that both 
Heera Sing and the Pundit had been in the habit of sending 
for the Ranee at night, and by threats of ill treatment 
compelling her to allow of criminal intercourse with her. 
Other disclosures were also made of facts too gross to be re¬ 
peated here. It is enough to say that the Pundit had made 
an attempt to poison the Ranee under the pretext of adminis¬ 
tering to her medicine for a loathsome disease with which 
she was afflicted. 

When all these matters became known to Jewaliir Sing 
and the sirdars and soldiers, their rage against the Minister 
and the Pundit knew no bounds; but still they continued quietly 
to arrange their plans of vengeance. Jewahir Sing’s inten¬ 
tion was the utter extermination of the Dogras, and in this 
he was joined by most of the sirdars, while the troops 
seemingly sought nothing further than the removal of the 
Pundit Jellah. Day after day secret consultations were held, 
but no determination was arrived at. At length the main 
body of the army, impatient of further delay made an attempt 
to enter the city during the night; but in this design they 
were thwarted by the vigilance of the guard which was in the 
interest of the court. On hearing of the attempt Heera Sing 
.sent to enquire the object of their visit, and was told that 


128 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

the army understood that the Maharajh Dulleep Sing and 
his mother complained of being treated as prisoners and 
that they were not allowed to go in or out without the special 
permission of the Minister. On receiving this reply, Ileera 
Sing promised to withdraw all restraint on the Maharajh and 
his mother; and seemingly satisfied with this, the troops quietly 
returned to their quarters. 

On the following day the Wuzeer assembled the officers 
and deputies of the army and took counsel with them for a 
long time. The result was that the majority declared their 
readiness to acknowledge and obey him as Minister, but re¬ 
quired that he should dismiss the Pundit Jellah from his 
court and counsels. They further demanded that he should 
allow the Maharajh and his mother perfect freedom of per¬ 
son and action, and set aside a suitable jaghire for their 
maintenance. On the Minister agreeing to these terms the 
officers and deputies promised that they would the next day 
meet again and use their best endeavours to effect a set¬ 
tlement of all differences betwixt him and the reigning family. 

That same night the Wuzeer and the Pundit receiv¬ 
ed intelligence which induced them to make an attempt to 
escape towards Jummoo. Their plan, however, was acted 
on with such irresolution that it was nearly day before the 
fugitives, attended by Meean Sone Sing, Meean Laub Sing*, and 
others, with about three or four hundred horse and foot, left 
the city under the pretext of going to inspect the troops at 
Meean Meer. They had scarcely cleared the Tanksallee 
gate when they heard the music of the different regiments 
saluting Jewahir Sing. On this they quickened their pace 
towards the Ravee, and on arriving at its banks, they 
ordered their Seik attendants to halt, while they with 
the rest crossed the stream. They then proceeded to 
the Burradaree of Thara or Thurgar, which was near 
the ford, and there dismounting, Ileera Sing and his 


THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


129 


friends ascended to the roof of the building- and sat 
down in consultation. The Rajah was now persuaded by 
the Pundit that the army would shortly return to its allegiance, 
and come and carry him back to Lahore in joy and triumph; 
and so they continued for a short time awaiting this event. 
Soon they perceived horsemen coming from the city at full 
speed. On this they remounted and sent two hoi-semen for¬ 
ward to learn the business of those who were advancing- upon 
them. But when the messengers came within range of the 
approaching cavalry, they were fired on, and so returned to the 
Rajah’s company, reporting that the enemy—for such their 
actions showed them—were coming on in force, that from the 
oity and elsewhere large bodies of cavalry were rapidly ad¬ 
vancing- upon them. On hearing this Heera Sing remarked, 
that if they were to be attacked, it would be best to make 
a stand there, and to attempt to capture two guns which they 
saw galloping towards them unprotected. But at the Pundit’s 
persuasion, the Rajah and his party moved off quickly towards 
the camp of the Chareeyaras, the late Rajah Suchet Sing’s 
Gorechars, which they saw at a little distance, and where 
they hoped to receive protection. But on their approach, the 
fugitives found that the troopers were already on the alert to 
repel and pursue them, and they were therefore obliged to 
move on in another direction. They now advanced towards 
the Serai of Mukberah near Shahderah, and sought the assis¬ 
tance of some Patans encamped there. But here again they 
were repulsed. Thence they hastened onward to and through 
the village of Shahderah, where Heera Sing suggested that 
they should take the river-side road towards Meerawal, 
there being no troops encamped in that direction. But as 
usual the counsel of the Pundit prevailed, and his advice 
was to proceed by the main road towards Shah Dowla ko Pool. 
But they had not advanced more than six hundred yards 
from the village of Shahderah, when they were overtaken 


130 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

by the Seik horsemen, with some of the sirdars at their head. 
These on approaching informed Heera Sing- that no harm 
should happen to him or any of his followers, if they would 
only give up the Pundit Jellah. But as the Pundit, thinking 
only of his own personal safety, continued making signs to 
the Rajah to push on without listening to the call of the 
pursuing librsemen, the party still hurried forward. The 
Seiks, finding all their efforts to bring them to a stand without 
resorting violence useless, and considering themselves treated 
with indignity, they, under the command of Sirdar Sham Sing 
Attarrewallah, and General Meva Sing Majeeteea,* attacked 
the flying party in the rear and on either flank; and thus 
a running skirmish was kept up until they had proceeded 
somewhat more than two coss, when all the infantry of th£ fugi¬ 
tives was either killed or dispersed. About this point Sirdar 
Jewahir Sing came up with the pursuit at the head of a body 
of horse, part of Ventura’s dragoons.f The two guns also 
which had followed the chase were now occasionally brought 
to bear upon the flying Dogras. Still a party of Patan horse 


* Meva Sing Majeeteea displayed on this occasion a most rancorous feeling 
towards the Dogras, riding about among the Seiks and calling on them to slaugh¬ 
ter the soors. His brother Mathaub Sing was a thrun ko braa, or own brother 
of Heera Sing, who lavished on him a lakh of rupees within a few days of 
his death. Yet were these two the first to turn against the Minister, Mathaub 
Sing sending his battalions and guns to join Jewahir Sing. Again while he and 
his brother Meva Sing personally, with about two hundred of their cavalry, went 
in pursuit of the fugitive Wuzeer, the infantry of the former at his command 
entered the city and fort to disarm, plunder, and imprision any of the Dogras 
they might find there. 

+ This body of cavalry was well affected towards Heera Sing and his party, 
but when the rumour went abroad that tumaum Khalsa, the whole Khalsa, was 
united against the Minister, they, in accordance with the principle of union 
among the troops, fell into the general stream. It was a maxim of the army that 
the Khalsa should ever be united, and that whoever sought to divide it against 
itself should perish. The murder of Hajah Suchet Sing is an illustration of 
this mode of proceedingthe brave but unfortunate chief was first attacked 
by the very troops on whom, in exchange for their promises of support, he had 
the previous night lavished upwards of sixty thousand rupees. 



THE WUZEERUT OF HEERA SING. 


131 


Rnder Meean Sone Sing by occasionally facing about brought 
the pursuers to a halt and enabled the Rajah and his 
suite to gain ground upon them. Thus they advanced for 
ten or twelve coss, until about mid-day, when the Pundit com¬ 
pletely, exhausted by his exertions, fell from his horse and was 
instantly cut to pieces by the pursuing Seiks. A little further 
on the Dogras entered a small village of some twenty houses, and 
here Heera Sing dismounted to quench his thirst, but he could 
not obtain anything to drink, and the Seiks coming up sur¬ 
rounded the place and set it on fire. The Rajah and his 
followers then remounted and attempted to escape, but here or 
in this neighbourhood the whole party was cut down, with the 
exception of six private soldiers, who owed their lives to the 
swiftness of their horses. 

The heads of the different chiefs as they were cut off were 
brought in triumph into the city, and were next morning hung 
up in public view inside the several gates. That of Heera 
Sing was exposed at the Loharee gateway, and that of Sone 
Sing at the Moree gateway. The body and head of Meean 
Laub Sing were, however, saved from this indignity by Meva 
Sing and some other Gorechars who had served under and 
been well treated by him. The head of Pundit Jellah was 
treated with the greatest indignity by the Akalees, who would 
not allow of its being hung up with the others, but carried 
it about the city for some days, from house to house and from 
shop to shop, exhibiting it to the people amidst all kinds of inde¬ 
cent and insulting language, and extorting money from those 
to whom they thus exposed it. The unpopularity of the mur¬ 
dered Pundit was strikingly exemplified in the fact, that 
even the women on seeing his head thus made a show broke 
out into the most bitter exclamations against him. At length 
when the head of the Pundit had been exhibited to the whole 
city, it was by order of Jewahir Sing given to the dogs. Those 
of Heera Sing and Sone Sing were taken down from the gates - 


132 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

and thrown into the ditch outside, whence after a few days 
they were privately conveyed into one of the inner chambers 
of Rajah Dehan Sing’s house. There they lay for many 
months, and in fact it is believed that they were only removed 
from the place when Rajah Goolaub Sing on the 15th or 16th 
February 1846, came to Lahore on his way to meet the Go¬ 
vernor-General, then advancing on the Seik capital with a 
British army. 






























































































































































































































































































CHAPTER IX. 


THE EXPEDITION TO JUMMOO. 


Thus for the time triumphant over the Dogras at Lahore, 
Jewahir Sing and his adherents set themselves to the task of re¬ 
ducing all those places which belonged to or were held for Heera 
Sing and Goolaub Sing. For this purpose troops were sent 
against Jesrowta, Samba, Ramnuggur, and other places, under 
Lall Sing, Sham Sing Attareewallah, Futteh Sing Maun, and 
Sultan Mahomed Khan. On the other side a force was sent by 
Goolaub Sing from Jummoo under Meean Jewahir Sing, brother 
of Heera Sing, to aid and defend Jesrowta. But on the approach 
of the durbar troops, six horse artillery guns formerly belonging 
to Rajah Dehan Sing, and then in charge of a Seik officer 
named Uttur Sing, left Jesrowta and joined the Khalsa force. 
Thence their commander took them quietly to Lahore, where 
he was well received by Sirdar Jewahir Sing. In a few days 
after many more troops deserted, so that at length Meean Jewahir 
Sing had not strength to make any resistance. He accordingly, 
with all the treasure and property he could carry away, evacuat¬ 
ed Jesrowta and retreated to Jummoo, while the Lahore troops 
took formal possession of the town which he had deserted, and 
soon after occupied Samba" and the whole line of country 
along the base of the lower range of hills. And now the 
durbar became so elated with its success that orders were 
shortly sent from Lahore to march and take Jummoo itself. 
The Khalsa troops accordingly advanced upon the capital of 


134 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


the Dogras, and encouraged partly by the successful result 
of some skirmishes, and partly by the large desertions of the- 
Dogra troops, approached the place. 

Goolaub Sing now sent word that in case Sham Sing Attaree- 
wallali, General Meva Sing Majeeteea, Sultan Mahomed, Futteh 
Sing Maun and two or three other chiefs would come to Jummoo 
and guarantee his personal safety, he would accede to all the 
demands of the Lahore Government. None of the chiefs named, 
however, would risk his liberty and life by venturing among 
the Dogras, except Futteh Sing Maun, a brave old chief of 
Runjeet’s best days, who volunteered to beard the Lion in his 
den. Accompanied by Wuzeer Bug-genoo and one Gunput, 
formerly a Moonshee of Heera Sing, with a small escort, the 
old soldier repaired to Jummoo, where he and his companions 
were well received and entertained for three days. At the 
end of that period, Goolaub Sing gave them permission, to 
return to their camp at Bobliana, with his answer, which 
was to the effect, that he was but a poor man and could not 
afford to pay the three crores of rupees which the durbar 
demanded of him, but that he agreed to give up all the property 
which had belonged to Dehan Sing, Heera Sing, and Suchet 
Sing, and in earnest of his purpose he sent along with the 
messangers, in banghy baskets and on camels and elephants, 
the sum of about three lakhs as a nuzzur for the Lahore 
Government. The Rajah himself, mounted on the elephant, 
which carried Futteh Sing Maun, accompanied that chief out¬ 
side the town, followed by the Wuzeer and Moonshee on another, 
elephant. On arriving near the river, or a little beyond the 
outer gateway, Goolaub took leave of his visitors and returned 
into Jummoo. Futteh Sing and h^g company had not proceeded 
more than a mile and a half from the town, when as they arriv¬ 
ed at a barrier called Soorghur, from its being the entrance into 
some hunting grounds covered with thick jungle, they were 
suddenly assailed by about five hundred armed Dogras and 


THE EXPEDITION TO JUMMOO. 


135 


Rohillas, who with one volley killed the three ambassadors and 
seventeen of their small escort, only one foot soldier escaping* 
to tell the news in the camp at Bobliana. 

This treacherous murder of a favourite chief greatly incensed 
the Seik troops, and made them so inveterate that the next 
day they advanced, and breaking through all the outposts of 
the Dogras, reached the Thavee, the river that runs under the 
walls of Jummoo. Here, however, Goolaub Sing strove to 
appease their anger by professions of sorrow for the death 
of Futteh Sing Maun, in which he disclaimed all participa¬ 
tions ; and he actually threw into prison some men who he said 
were his worst enemies, and had effected the murder for the 
purpose of widening the unfortunate breach betwixt him and 
the Khalsa, so that Jummoo might he taken and sacked and 
himself and his family involved in vain. Still however the troops 
pressed him closely for two days longer and gained the advan¬ 
tage in several small skirmishes. They had crossed the Thavee 
in three divisions, thus investing the place on three sides; and 
by this time Runjoor Sing Majeeteea had advanced from the 
hills and taken up a position on the fourth side, so that now 
the town was completely surrounded. Thus straitened, and 
seeing that his men, whom he treated very ill, were daily 
deserting in numbers, Goolaub again tried the effect of nego¬ 
tiation. He now sent out Meean Jewahir Sing, his nephew, 
and who as the son of Delian Sing, was a great favourite with 
the Khalsa. This young chief had a short interview with 
Sultan Mahomed and Sham Sing, but he addressed himself 
principally to the troops, who he knew were most accessible to 
the arguments which he was instructed to offer, and with 
whom, as he knew, rested the power to accept or reject his 
conditions. It is to he observed too, that from the time when 
hostilities commenced, Goolaub Sing had constantly a num¬ 
ber of the Punches of the Khalsa with him in Jummoo, and 


136 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

that these men, who doubtless had good and substantial 
reasons for their advocacy, exerted all their influence to 
secure a favourable reception for Meean Jewahir Sing and 
his terms. Further to ensure success to his negotiations, 
the Rajah himself now went out among the soldiers, and 
he declared that he and his family were as they ever had 
been the creatures and slaves of the Iihalsa, and that nothing 
should induce him to raise his hand against them. He de¬ 
clared, too, that though he might appear grasping and cruel 
in the extortion of money, it must be remembered that he 
sought to amass wealth only for the service of the Khalsa. 
He added another and a more powerful appeal to their for¬ 
bearance, when he told them that he was the last of his family 
who knew where the vast treasures of his house lay hid, and 
that if he were put to death this secret would die with him. 
To enforce and illustrate this declaration, he would direct the 
Seiks to repair to certain places around Jummoo, where, by at¬ 
tending to the marks and signs which he gave them, they 
found large sums of buried money, fifteen, twenty, and even 
forty thousand rupees in one place, and which but for Goolaub’s 
disclosure might have lain hid for ever. It was thus that 
the Rajah gained the title which the soldiers bestowed on him 
of the Sona ha Koohooree , or the Golden Hen. By such 
means, by flattering speeches, by promises and bribes, Goolaub 
Sing entirely brought over the troops to his interest, without 
troubling himself about the views or opinions of their leaders.’ 
The terms he offered did not satisfy the chiefs, but they pleased 
the soldiers, and that was all the Rajah cared for. These terms 
were that each man of the entire Seik army should receive a 
gold bangle or armlet and twenty-five rupees in cash. The 
first object of this offer was to attach to the interests of the 
Rajah, the four battalions of Avitabile’s division, the Povindea 
division, and that of General Court, and not only to ensure his 


THE EXPEDITION TO JUMMOO. j 137 

personal safety and respect, but that if lie went with them to 
Lahore, his rank and power should lie upheld, and that he 
should be made Wuzeer. 

On these conditions the three divisions above-mentioned swore 
to stand by the Rajah and be faithful to his interest. On the 
completion of this business, Goolaub left Jummoo and en¬ 
camped in the midst of the troops lately in hostile array 
against him. It was supposed that this arrangement, so satis¬ 
factory to both parties, was brought about chiefly by the exer¬ 
tions of Meva Bing Majeeteea, who was no doubt well paid 
for his good offices by the Jummoo Rajah. Lall Sing and the 
other Durbar chiefs were now in dread for their own personal 
safety, and lest the rest of the troops should desert them and go 
over to Goolaub. They therefore endeavoured to avert such 
a catastrophe by making promises still larger than those of 
their rival and by this means secured the allegiance of that 
part of the force which still remained with them. Thus 
divided into, two bodies, the army marched for Lahore creating 
great apprehension in the minds of Jewahir Sing and his 
sister. 

A few days before that on which Goolaub Sing entrusted 
his life and fortunes to the hands of the Durbar troops, 
Peshora Sing, at the instigation of Avitabile’s and other divi¬ 
sions of the army had marched from Seealkote, and presented 
himself before the troops, when the guards of the divisions 
referred to turned out to salute him, while the Ivlialsa troops 
went in a body to pay their respects to him, and immediately 
proclaimed him their leader. In return for this he promised 
to increase their pay, to fifteen rupees a month for the infantry, 
and a rupee and a half per day, or forty-five rupees a month, 
for every horseman. As, however, many of the troops did 
not believe that Peshora Sing had the wherewithal to fulfil 
his promises, they would not ratify the agreement, and the con¬ 
sequence was that after some hot disputation among themselves, 


T 


138 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURRAR. 

the Seiks advised the prince to return to Seealkote for the 
present, which he did immediately, after being in the Khalsa 
camp only about two hours. This visit of Peshora Sing to the 
army was brought about entirely by the machinations of Goo- 
laub Sing, who believed that either the prince would be 
murdered, or that he would have to apply to him for pecuniary 
aid to enable him to bribe the troops, and who trusted to turn 
either event to his own advantage. The plot, however, failed, 
and the prince having returned safe to Seealkote, Goolaub 
saw that he had now nothing to do but go with the army 
to Lahore, trusting to his influence with the soldiery for safety 
and advantage. The whole body of the Khalsa, therefore^ 
marched for the capital, where they arrived in a few days in 
two divisions, the one commanded by Rajah Lall Sing, and the 
other by Rajah Goolaub Sing. Lall Sing’s division, on approaching 
Lahore, encamped at Shahdera, and Goolaub’s at Ekrar ke Put- 
tun, on the Ravee, at a distance of about two miles and a 
half from each other. A strong feeling of animosity had by 
this time sprung up betwixt the rival bodies. That with Lall 
Sing professed to uphold the Government, while that with 
Goolaub, which consisted of about twenty thousand men, and 
fifty pieces .of artillery, declared that having passed their 
word with the Rajah they would not allow of his being molested 
or ill-treated by any one or in any way. While affairs were 
in this position, the Ranee and Jewahir Sing sent orders to 
the troops then with Goolaub Sing, that they should either send 
the chief into Lahore as a prisoner or remove to at least twenty- 
four miles from the city. The soldiers, however, would do 
neither one thing nor the other. On this Jewahir Sing ordered 
the troops then in and about Lahore, about twenty thousand 
in number, to march out and prevent the refractory body from 
crossing the Ravee. This force was, therefore, soon in progress 
for Ekrar ke Puttun, and at the same time Rajah Lall Sing’s 
division received orders to make preparations for an attack 


THE EXPEDITION TO JUMMOO. 


139 


upon the mutineers. Thus in danger of an assault on both 
sides, Goolaub’s adherents by his advice retired to a distance 
of about a thousand yards from the bank of the Ravee, and 
took up a position in thg hollow bed of a dry nullah. While, 
however, Jewahir Sing was so intent on attacking them, the 
Punches on either side were engaged in negotiations, having 
made up their minds that they should not come to blows. 
In vain J ewahir Sing went among them, taking with him the 
young Maharajh and all the chiefs of his court. They 
allowed him to seize and imprison Meva Sing Majeeteea, 
who, as was said, had chiefly influenced them to espouse the 
cause of Goolaub Sing; but they had determined that matters 
should be settled quietly, and what the Punches had resolved 
on, that the whole body of the Khalsa were ready to take 
for their law, such was the power and influence of these 
deputies. Accordingly on the fourth day it was settled that 
Rajah Goolaub Sing should go into Lahore and have an inter¬ 
view with the Ranee; and that the whole Khalsa army of all 
parties should guarantee his personal safety, and protect him 
from the enmity of Jewahir Sing and others. It was ar¬ 
ranged that he should appear in durbar to answer any charge 
that might be preferred against him by the Ranee, but that 
Jewahir Sing should not be present on the occasion. The 
Punches of the army, about two thousand men, assembled 
in a body, to escort the Jummoo Rajah on his visit to the 
palace, proclaiming that the whole army was bound to pro¬ 
tect him from insult, and intimating to Lall Sing' and other 
chiefs, that if any thing of the kind was attempted, it should 
be revenged fourfold. Preliminaries being thus settled, Rajah 
Goolaub Sing crossed the Ravee at Ekrar ke Puttun in a boat, 
attended by the chief Punches; and on his landing upon the 
left bank he was welcomed with cheers by the whole army, who 
paid him all outward show of respect, and assured him of his 
perfect safety. On landing he was immediately placed on an 


140 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


elephant and conveyed under a strong* escort to the Summun 
Boorj, where he was well received by the Ranee. After the 
interview he was requested to take up his abode in the palace 
of the late Kurruck Sing, but the Punches said that they, 
being security for his safety, would not allow any one to 
be about him hut themselves, and that when the Ranee desired 
an interview with him, he should be escorted by them to and 
from the durbar, where neither Jewahir Sing nor any other 
chief should be allowed to appear armed while he was present. 

On his first visit to the durbar Goolaub was received with 
the greatest respect and cordiality by the Ranee, and many 
compliments passed betwixt them. Her Highness even went 
so far as to express a wish that he should undertake the 
office of Wuzeer, which had not yet been formally bestowed 
upon Jewahir Sing. These evidences of partiality greatly 
alarmed and enraged the chief last named, and had it not 
been for fear of the troops, he would certainly have compassed 
the death of his rival. However, he managed by his intrigues 
so to undermine the Dogra in the Ranee’s favour, as well as 
in that of the army, that he secured his own installation in the 
Wuzeerut. Thus firmly established, he brought Goolaub to 
account for his recent contumacy, and after much discussion, 
it was settled that, he should pay to the state thirty-five lakhs 
of rupees, also that he should give up the territories which had 
belonged to his brother Suchet Sing and the property of his 
nephew Heera Sing. Having paid the first instalment of 
his fine, or whatever it may be called, the Rajah received per¬ 
mission to retire to Jummoo, of which, however, he did not 
avail himself until two attempts on his life, instigated probably 
by Jewahir Sing, warned him that Lahore was no longer a 
safe place of residence for him. He then, after a sojourn of four 
months, left the capital and returned to Jummoo, whence a few 
months afterwards he was recalled to take charge of the state, 
at the critical moment of a rupture with the British Government. 


CHAPTER X. 


THE MURDER OF PESHORA SING. 


Peshora Sing on the invitation of the troops repaired to 
Lahore, and on his arrival there, the deputies of the army waited 
upon him, when some of them went so far as to desire him to 
place himself at the head of the Khalsa declaring* that they 
would proclaim and support him as the rightful heir to the throne. 
He had not been twenty-four hours in the city when such 
overtures were made to him, and his cause was gaining 
ground. At this juncture the Ranee sent for him, and at 
her request he presented himself in durbar. He was there 
received by Her Highness with open arms and professions 
of regard and respect as the equal of Dulleep Sing her son. 
Jewahir Sing, however, did not treat him as the prince con¬ 
sidered due to his rank, and the latter therefore left the durbar 
in disgust. Thence he went quietly to his quarters in the 
city, and immediately summoned to his presence the Punches 
of the Khalsa. To them he enlarged on the slight he had 
received in durbar, and proposed that he should leave the capital 
and return to his jaghire. But the deputies persuaded him 
from this intention, and induced him to accompany them out of 
the city to Buddhoo ka ava, which, since it became the gather¬ 
ing place of the troops on Shere Sing’s accession, had been 
considered to have some good fortune attached to it. Here 
Peshora Sing was immediately surrounded bv the whole body 
of the Punt who offered their allegiance to him in the name 
of the army. 



142 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


Tidings of these things came to the ears of Jewahir Sing, 
and he thereupon repented of his conduct, and saw that it was 
necessary to take immediate and decided steps for the con¬ 
firmation of his authority. On consultation with his sister he 
now, therefore, sent to the army a promise that every man 
should receive a golden necklace of the value of twenty-five 
rupees. The troops understood the meaning of his liberality, 
and instead of proclaiming Peshora Sing as Maharajli or even 
as Wuzeer, they recommended him to return to his jaghire, 
which they promised should be enlarged, and there to remain 
quietly in the hope of better times. Seeing that the tide had 
turned against him, the prince prudently resolved to follow their 
advice; and so with the good wishes of the Khalsa and some 
valuable presents from the Court he left Lahore. 

But Peshora Sing had not lived long on his estate, when 
Jewahir Sing, at the instigation of Rajah Goolaub Sing, began 
to form plots for his destruction. The Jummoo chief was in¬ 
duced to encourage the Wuzeer in these designs on the life 
of the prince by the conviction that if he were put to death the 
troops would avenge his murder, and that if Jewahir Sing 
appeared as the contriver of the deed his doom was sealed. 
By this process two formidable obstacles to the extension of 
the Dogra’s power and influence would be at once removed, and 
that without his having appeared to take any part in their 
removal. 

While Peshora Sing remained on his estate, several attempts 
were made to assassinate him, and finding his position an 
unsafe one, he deemed it advisable to retire towards Attock 
with his followers. With these and the aid of some Mahome- 
dans of the neighbourhood, lie seized upon the fort of that 
place, and there took up his abode. Jewahir Sing on hearing 
of this movement was greatly disappointed and annoyed, and 
ordered off troops to recapture the place and punish the rebel¬ 
lious prince. But the troops sent on this service, afraid of the 


THE MURDER OF PESHORA SING. 


143 


Punt and unwilling’ to injure the reputed son of Runjeet, went 
reluctantly, and did not act vigorously, and so nothing came of 
their expedition. In the meantime Peshora Sing was gaining 
ground in the minds of the great body of the Khalsa at Lahore, 
who now declared that they would avenge any injury done to 
him ; and the chief conspirator saw that if liis purpose was to 
be effected other means must be employed. He, therefore, 
assured Jewahir Sing that it was now obvious that no man in 
the service of the Lahore state would act willingly or with 
energy against the prince, but that if he were to send Chuttur 
Sing Attareewalla and Futteli Khan, tools of his own, they 
would execute whatever orders were given them. Orders were 
accordingly issued for their proceeding against Attock, with 
the troops under their command. When these instructions 
reached them, Futteh Khan was at Kalabagh on the Indus, 
and Chuttur Sing was in the hill-country about Naoshera and 
Rajouri, settling some disturbances among the people, but acting 
rather as the agent of Goolaub Sing than as the servant of the 
Lahore Durbar. Having in some degree effected the purpose 
of his expedition, he was ordered off to Attock, which place he 
quickly reached. There he joined his troops with those of 
Futteh Khan, and with their combined force they made prepa¬ 
rations for an attack upon the fort in which Peshora Sing with 
his small force had shut himself up. But Peshora Sing was daily 
becoming so popular among the people of the country, Patans, 
and the Khalsa troops who continued encamped in the neigh¬ 
bourhood showed such an interest in the prince’s cause, that the 
chiefs saw there was little likelihood of much success in an 
assault upon the place. They therefore resorted to negotiation, 
and making large and seemingly sincere promises to the prince, 
they after about twelve days spent in discussing the terms of 
capitulation, induced him to evacuate the place. The condi¬ 
tions for which he stipulated and to which they consented 
were, that he should be treated with all proper respect, and that 


144 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


lie should leave the fort at the head of his troops with all the 
honours of war;—that, escorted by his own forces, he should 
proceed to Lahore, where his interest should be attended to and 
all his claims considered. Thus then Peshora Sing left the fort 
of Attock, and was received with seeming cordiality and respect 
by FuttehKhan and Ohuttur Sing, who repeated the most solemn 
professions of their good-will and fidelity. This put the prince 
off his guard so far that he unwarily allowed these chiefs and 
their troops to encamp around him and his smaller force. Thus 
then Peshora Sing with his troops accompanied by Futteh 
Khan and Chuttur Sing with their forces, marched from 
Attock towards Lahore. They had not proceeded more than 
twenty miles on the way, however, and had come to a place called 
Punja Sahib or Hassan Abdul, when Chuttur Sing proposed 
a day’s halt for the purpose of hunting the wild boar. This 
proposal was agreed to, and the chiefs and the prince spent 
the day in the sport. Early the next morning, however, 
Chuttur Sing and Futteh Khan, with a numerous band of 
armed men, entered the tent of the prince, while he was 
yet asleep, bound him hand and foot, his troops, not above five 
hundred men, being simultaneously overpowered and dis¬ 
persed by the numerous force of the treacherous chiefs, 
amounting to eight or nine thousand men. That same day 
Peshora Sing, heavily ironed, was taken back to Attock, mounted 
on an elephant, and escorted by the two chiefs with about a 
thousand horse. On arriving near the fort, he was dismounted 
from the elephant and placed in a palanquin, the better to con¬ 
ceal the fact of his return under such circumstances. While 
this arrangement was being effected, the prince addressed 
Chuttur Sing, vehemently upbraiding him with his treachery, 
yet assuring him of his forgiveness if he would only order 
that he should be unbound, and that his sword and shield should 
be given to him, that he might die—for he knew he was doomed 
—as became a soldier, armed, and fighting to the last. To 


TItE MURDER OF PESHORA SING. 


145 


all this, however, Chuttur Sing’ replied only by reiterated as¬ 
surances that he might dismiss his apprehensions, for that 
no manner of harm was intended him. Thus then he was 
conveyed into the fort of Attock, where he was conducted to 
a low tower called the Kollboorj in close proximity to the In¬ 
dus, which is extremely deep at this place. In a lower room 
of this tower which had a doorway opening immediately on 
the river, the prince was lodged. During the night he was 
visited by the treacherous chiefs, who placed six sentries over 
him, and before morning he had been strangled and afterwards 
sunk in the deep water of the Indus. The next day the two 
chiefs returned to their camp at Punja Sahib, whence they in 
a few days afterwards marched on different routes. Futteh 
Khan took his troops towards Kalabagh and Dera Ismael 
Khan, and Chuttur Sing returned into the hill country. They 
both dreaded the consequences of what they had done, when 
it should come to the knowledge of the Khalsa; and Chuttur 
Sing acknowledged his fears in the act of sending his family 
across the hills to Kistowar, where they might dwell under 
the protection of his patron, Rajah Goolaub Sing, while he 
himself hastened by another route to a small village near the 
fort of Reharsee beyond Jummoo. 


u 



CHAPTER XI. 


DEATH OF JEWAHIR SING. 

When Jewaliir Sing* received tidings of the death of Peshora 
Sing, he was so elated that he actually ordered that a salute 
should be fired and the city illuminated. This ill-judged order 
was, however, privately countermanded by Baba Ruttun Sing 
and Bii Chetta, who saw the folly and danger of such a 
demonstration. Rumours of the event soon spread among the 
troops, exciting their horror and indignation; and it was in¬ 
timated to Jewahir Sing that the Khalsa was likely to be in 
a state of mutiny, and that the soldiery were bent on mischief. 
A few days more served to confirm the apprehensions of the 
conscience-stricken Sirdar. Pirthee Sing, the son of Meeun 
Arbela Sing’, a Dogra, and his party, were busily at work 
exciting the troops to rise and revenge the death of Prince 
Peshora Sing ; and so well did they play their parts, that in a 
very short time the Avitabile division and thirteen others had 
resolved on the death of Jewaliir Sing. These divisions 
therefore marched out of their several lines and encamped about 
four miles from the city, a little beyond Meean Meer. Having 
taken .up their position here, they sent orders to the remaining 
battalions to leave their various stations and to join them. 
This was done for the purpose of ascertaining whether the 
entire Khalsa would side with them or not, while the object of 
their movement was yet kept secret. They then induced 
the troops that were in the city to come out, that they might 


DEATH OF JEWAHIR SING. 


147 


not embarrass them in the execution of their design; and 
lastly they sent a message to Jewahir Sing, informing him 
that if he would come forth, present himself before them, 
and order them gratuity, the affair of Peshora Sing’s mur¬ 
der should be hushed up. But the Sirdar either mistrust¬ 
ed them too strongly to venture amongst them, or he wanted 
tact to seize the opportunity for making his peace with the 
army, and so declined to accept the invitation. He attempted, 
however, to negotiate, but to no purpose, as the Punches would 
listen to nothing that he could urge on his behalf until he pre¬ 
sented himself before the troops. 

Meantime the Punches of several battalions went into the 
city and took away Pirthee Sing', pretending to do so by 
force, and placed him at the head of the army, issuing or¬ 
ders in his name and that of the Punt Khalsajee. The next 
day Rajah Lall Sing, Buggut Ram, Dewan Denanauth, and 
several other principal men of the state went out to the camp 
and made their obeisance to Pirthee Sing. There, too, they 
remained, taking care, however, to make it appear that they 
were detained as prisoners and against their will. 

There was now a clamorous multitude, under the designation 
of Punches, constantly assembled at the tents of the Dogra 
party, which were in the rear centre of Court’s battalions. 
Word then went forth that every corps which did not join 
the Punt, would incur the anger of the Khalsa, and be severely 
dealt with. This threat had such effect, that ere the day 
on which it was proclaimed had past every division of the 
army was in line, with the exception of two battalions 
belonging to Jewahir Sing, which were in the fort with three 
or four pieces of artillery. These corps were allowed to re¬ 
main where they were, but peremptory orders were sent to them 
to prevent the escape of their chief Jewahir Sing; and this 
command was enforced by the declaration, that if they allowed 
the Sirdar to go from among them, they should all be either 


148 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

blown from guns or put to the sword. This threat was so 
effectual that these two battalions, composed mostly of raw 
recruits, now thought more of guarding their chief as a prison¬ 
er than of standing by him as their leader; and during the 
same night a report that he intended to make an attempt to 
escape, threw them all into the utmost confusion. The next 
morning the men of the artillery, at the peremptory command 
of the Punt, removed their guns from the fort, being urged 
on and aided in the work by the Punches themselves to the 
number of about five hundred men. 

Jewahir Sing now began to despair of bringing matters 
to a peaceable issue, though he and his sister were constantly 
surrounded by the deputies of the mutinous troops, whose ob¬ 
ject w r as to induce him to leave the city and place himself 
in the hands of the army. He went so far as to give them 
a written promise of twelve rupees a month to all the Punches, 
on condition that they should save his life and forgive his 
having procured the murder of Peshora Sing. His sister, too, 
even offered to increase then’ pay to fifteen rupees, and both 
with joined hands besought the mercy of the Punt. But 
their promises and humble entreaties were alike ineffectual. 
The Dogra party had paid ready money in large sums to several 
of the leading men of the Punt to insure the execution of 
their bloody designs. 

On the 6th of Assin, corresponding to the 21st of September, 
1845, about noon, Court’s division, with several other battalions, 
all commanded by Pirthee Sing, were in motion, and stationed 
themselves near the Delhi gate. Jewahir Sing now saw that 
it was useless to keep himself shut up any longer. He there¬ 
fore invited his sister to accompany him, and mounting an 
elephant with the young Maharajh, Dulleep Sing, in his arms, 
he left the fort, escorted by about a thousand men. By a 
circuitous route he repaired towards the spot, where the 
army was encamped. Pirthee Sing and his followers seeing 


DEATH OF JEWAH1R SING. 


149 


him set forth, quickly returned by a shorter road to the camp, 
where they arrived before the Wuzeer had reached the spot. 
He entered the camp shortly afterwards from the left of the 
line, where one of Maun’s battalions, actually received 
him with the customary salute. This circumstance so en¬ 
couraged and assured Jewahir Sing that he directed his 
mahout to take him nearer to this battalion, and then to move 
forward. On this some Punches of the division of Lall Sing 
Meralia, entreated him not to go further but to fix his quarters 
in their lines, declaring that they would die to a man before 
they would allow any injury or insult to be offered to him. 
But the doomed Sirdar seemed confident in his belief that the 
main body of the army would do him no injury since he came 
among them in person, and had the young Maharajh with 
him in the howdah, while his sister, the queen-mother, followed 
on another elephant, scattering lavishly fair words and hard 
coin, in the hope of inducing the troops to spare the life 
of her brother. Thus he continued to move along in front 
of the line, receiving and returning individual salutes, while 
the whole Khalsa turned out to gaze on him as he passed. 
As he arrived on the right of Meralia’s division, that of 
Court imbibed the idea that the former intended to assist 
and protect him. Thereupon ensued a great tumult, the drums 
on both sides beating to arms, and the artillery being dragged 
into position for immediate battle. Jewahir Sing himself, how¬ 
ever, did his utmost to convince the Meralia troops that no 
harm was intended him, and entreated them not to cause 
bloodshed on his account. Having done this he again moved 
along the line until he came opposite the centre of Court’s 
division. Here the procession was stopped in its onward 
progress, and directed towards the tents that had been pitched 
some days before and were intended for the Zenana. They had 
not, however, gone far from the lines, when Jewahir Sing’s ele¬ 
phant was suddenly and violently brought to a halt by the sol- 


150 SECRET HISTORY OE THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

diery of Court’s division, and the mahout was compelled to make 
the elephant kneel. The fierce crowd of armed men now 
roughly demanded the hoy Dulleep from the arms of his 
uncle, who reluctantly gave up what he had doubtless con¬ 
sidered his best protection. Stretching forth his hands in 
deprecation of violence, Jewahir Sing implored them to hear 
him for a moment. But not a word would they listen to. 
He received a stab with a bayonet on the left side, which 
made him lean over to the right; and immediately a bullet was 
sent through his brain by a man who placed the muzzle of 
a matchlock to his forehead. He fell from the howdah, and 
was dragged off the elephant a corpse, but still his body 
was hacked and mangled by the swords and bayonets of his 
murderers, while a running fire of muskets was kept up for 
some minutes, for the purpose of terrifying all who might be 
disposed to assist him or avenge his death. Baba Ruttun Sing 
and Bii Clietta, who were in attendance on the Wuzzeer, were 
killed, the former a few yards from the spot on which his patron • 
fell, the latter was cut down by a horseman when attempting 
to save his life by flight. While this tragedy was being per¬ 
formed, the crowd of Seik soldiers were engaged in a scramble 
for the money and valuables which Jewahir Sing, his sister, and 
their now dispersed attendants, had with them. The Ranee and 
her slave-girls were then compelled to enter the tents which 
had been prepared for their reception, while the young Maha- 
rajh was kept among the soldiery for some time, when in order 
to quiet her alarm, he was given into the hands of his mother. 
The sentries placed around her Highness’s tents received 
strict orders to see that in her rage and grief at the loss 
of her brother, she did not attempt to destroy herself and her 
son. With fearful vehemence, the Ranee upbraided and execrat¬ 
ed the whole Khalsa, swearing that she would have her 
revenge upon them. Early next morning she was permitted 
to see the mangled body of her murdered brother, on which 


DEATH OF JEWAHIR SING. 


151 


her curses and lamentations were renewed. She threw herself 
and her little son upon the body $ she wept bitterly and tore 
her loose hair ; she rent her garments until her bosom was 
exposed to the view of those around. It was with much 
difficulty that she was, partly by entreaty and partly by force, 
separated from the corpse, and induced to return to the city. 
The Punches endeavoured to pacify and console her by assuring 
her that the death of her brother was according- to God’s will,— 
that they could not avert it, and were not therefore to be consi¬ 
dered answerable for it. About noon the Ranee returned to the 
city, whither also the body of the murdered Wuzeer was carried. 
That evening- the corpse was burnt in the presence of several 
sirdars, who came to assist at the ceremony. Two of the 
late Minister’s widows, and three slave-g’irls, were burnt with 
the body. A g-uard of Seik soldiers was in attendance, and 
the conduct of these men on the occasion was atrocious in 
the extreme. During- the procession the unfortunate women, 
according to custom, carried money to scatter to the people; 
but it was actually forced out of their hands by the armed 
ruffians who surrounded them. Again, as they mounted the pile, 
their jewels and trinkets, their ear and nose rings, &c. with 
which they were adorned for the occasion, were violently torn 
from them by the brutal troops, who answered their shrieks 
with taunts and jests. One savage, more shameless, if possible, 
than the rest, actually thrust his hands among the smoke and 
flames to tear away the golden fringe and embroidery worn 
by one of the miserable victims on her trousers. Thus insulted 
and molested, the hapless women could not remain in the posi¬ 
tion which custom enjoined as proper and decent for the occa¬ 
sion, but were persecuted and disturbed until the rising flames 
acted as a barrier against further molestation. At this moment, 
one of them, in a transport of rage and grief at the treatment 
to which they had been subjected, rose erect amidst the fire 
and smoke, and in the loud and piercing tones of agony called 


152 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


down curses on the whole race of Seiks. On this one of the 
savages made a blow at her with the butt of his musket;— 
he missed her, however, and she fell, a prey to the flames alone, 
into the midst of the raging fire. 

The troops having effected their purpose of avenging the 
death of Peshora Sing and removing the obnoxious Wuzeer, 
became all submission and repentance before the Ranee, whose 
grief and anger they endeavoured by all means in their power 
to appease. But she was yet implacable and inconsolable. 
Daily, attended by numbers of her women, she went on foot 
to renew her lamentations at the mausoleum of her murdered 
brother. Daily she thus walked through the city, exposing 
herself to the view of the multitude with her long hair all 
dishevelled, as she repaired to the tomb of Jewahir Sing outside 
the Mustee gate. As yet she would not listen to the entrea¬ 
ties or overtures of the troops who sought to make their peace 
with her, and who were now engaged in mutual recrimina¬ 
tions against each other for the commission of the bloody deed. 
Some avowed their determination to inflict punishment on 
the corps that were accessories to the murder; while those 
to whose charge the act was laid, maintained that the whole 
Khalsa was concerned in the deed, pointing for proof of this 
to the fact, that every corps was in line on the occasion, with 
a full knowledge of the purpose for which the line was formed. 
However, after a few days of obduracy, the Ranee relented 
so far as to say that if the troops would punish those sirdars 
who planned and counselled the murder of her brother, she 
would be satisfied. She summoned the Punches and officers 
of the army to meet her in the Summun Booij, and presenting 
herself before the assembly, she vehemently upbraided them 
for their treachery and cruelty. “ But,” said she, in con¬ 
clusion of her fierce harangue, “ seize my enemies and deliver 
them over to my will, and I will freely pardon the rest.” On 
this some of the Punches asked her to name those to 


DEATH OF JEWAHIR SING. 


153 


whom she referred. She then pointed out Dewan Jewahir 
Mull, formerly dewan to Suchet Sing*, who had actually 
been in the plot, and had supplied all the money distributed 
by Pirthee Sing. Jewahir Mull, who was then in the assem¬ 
bly, was immediately disarmed and made a prisoner. Her 
Highness then intimated her wish that Pirthee Sing and others 
of the Dogra party should be seized and given up to her, 
but none of these were present, as they took care never to 
move out of the lines of Court’s division which protected 
them. On hearing this demand, great murmuring and tumult 
ensued among the Punches, which ended in the whole party 
leaving the Summun Boorj and returning to the camp. Some 
of the troops and their deputies were for taking the members 
of the Dogra faction prisoners, and sending them to the 
Ranee, while others were strongly opposed to this measure. 
The French, or General Ventura’s division, were most forward 
in counselling the surrender of Pirthee Sing and his ad¬ 
visers j and they, joining with several other battalions, planned 
an attack on Court’s division for the purpose of seizing the 
obnoxious chiefs. On hearing of this, Court’s battalions formed 
square to protect themselves and the sirdars, whom they placed 
in the centre. At this crisis word was brought that the 
whole army was to be reviewed next morning by the young 
Maharajh himself. During the ensuing night a numerous 
assembly of the Punches was held, at which, it was resolved 
that in order to prevent the Khalsa from hostile division and 
suicidal slaughter, Pirthee Sing and his party should be secret¬ 
ly conveyed out of the camp, when they could find their own 
way safely to Jummoo. This matter being arranged, the 
review came off as appointed, before the Maharajh and his 
mother; and while the royal cortege was leaving the ground 
to return to the city, Pirthee Sing and his friends, attended 
by a few horsemen, were allowed to quit the camp in another 
direction, and take the road to the hills. They reached Jum- 

w 


154 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

moo in safety, and Goolaub Sing wrote to the durbar express¬ 
ing his sorrow on hearing of the murder of Jewahir Sing, and 
declaring that had he sufficient power and influence, he would 
severely punish Pirthee Sing and his adherents. The Ranee now 
seeing that there was no alternative, remained quiet for the 
present, and daily took counsel of her favourite, Rajah Lall 
Sing, by whose advice and on whose security, she in a few 
days, consented to the release of Jewahir Mull. 




















































* 
































. 


































i 



































































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CHAPTER XII. 


RAJAH LALL SING, AND THE SLAVE-GIRL MUNGELA. 


The Rajah Lall Sing-, who now became a prominent character 
in the grand drama of Punjaub history, is the son of one 
Jessa Misser, originally a poor Kotree Brahmin, who kept a 
small shop in the village of Soongoia, formerly belonging to 
Jewahir Sing Puddana, but now in the hands of Lall Sing 
himself. Having failed in business, Jessa Misser took up the 
business of an itinerant trader or pedlar, wandering with his 
wares into all parts of the Punjaub. It was during one 
of his excursions that he by chance became known to Bustee 
Ram, tbe Toshakhaneea, or treasurer of Maha Sing, the father 
of the great Runjeet. Jessa Misser could write the Lounda 
character well, and to this accomplishment he was indebted 
for an appointment under Bustee Ram on three rupees a 
month and his food. From this, he in time rose to be a 
sort of accountant in the treasury of Maha Sing. However, 
on the death of that chief and during* the minority of his son, 
Jessa Misser was compelled to throw up his employment, on 
which he returned to his village and re-opened his shop. When 
Runjeet attained to manhood, and, having risen into power, 
had made himself master of Lahore, J essa Misser was again 
employed by Bustee Ram, though at that time all the pecu¬ 
niary affairs of Runjeet were transacted by a rich merchant 
of Umritsir, named Ramanund, to whom the young chief 
mortgaged or farmed most of the districts which he con- 



156 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


quered in different parts of the Punjaub. It was only after 
his first attempt to subdue Cashmere, that Runjeet formed any 
kind of a regular treasury. About that time Bustee Ram died, 
and Misser Belee Ram, his nephew, who stood high in the 
favour and confidence of Runjeet, was appointed chief manager 
and controllor of the Toshakhana. Jessa Misser was still 
only a petty writer or moonshee under Belee Ram, but on 
Rajah Dehan Sing becoming minister, that chief, who was 
on bad terms with Belee Ram, persuaded Runjeet to appoint 
Jessa Misser, whom he represented as a most upright man 
of great abilities, to the charge of all the money and valuables 
received from Cashmere, then newly conquered. Thus Jessa 
Misser became a protege of the Dogra party, whom he 
thenceforth acknowledged as his patrons and benefactors. 

In 1829 Jessa Misser died, leaving his son, the present Rajah 
Lall Sing, to the care of the Rajahs Dehan Sing and Goolaub 
Sing, enjoining the boy on his death-bed ever to remember 
that he had owed his rise and fortunes to the favour and patron¬ 
age of the Dogra chiefs. He particularly recommended his 
son to consider the Rajahs Dehan Sing and Goolaub Sing as his 
patrons and protectors, and himself as their humble servant and 
slave all the days of his life. After Jessa Misser’s death, 
Rajah Dehan Sing gave Lall Sing the appointment held by 
his father ; but as the boy was too young to discharge the 
duties of the office, business was transacted in his name by 
his elder brother, the present Misser Ameer Chund, now 
Kardar of a large district beyond the Jhelum, and in charge 
of the Salt mines. Another and a younger brother, Bug- 
wan Sing, was also ordered by the Rajah to attend at the 
Toshakhana for the purpose of learning the business of the 
office. Dehan Sing’s intention was to displace Misser Belee 
Ram and to put this youth Bugwan Sing in his place. How¬ 
ever the Rajah did not live to consummate his plans. Still 
Misser Lall Sing was acknowledged as the keeper and manager 


RAJAH LALL SING, AND THE SLAVE-GIRL MUNGELA. 157 

of all the cash and property that came from Cashmere; 
and Dehan Sing- more than once exposed himself to the anger 
of Runjeet by too publicly, and, perhaps too strongly, advo¬ 
cating the cause of this youth. 

Thus matters stood when Dehan Sing was killed, and Heera 
Sing, with his adviser, the Pundit Jellah, came into power. 
On this occasion Lall Sing preferred representations against 
Misser Belee Ram, and also against Bii Goormuck Sing, 
which chiefly induced the new minister and his counsellor 
to put these men to death. On their removal Misser Lall Sing 
w*as made chief treasurer to the Lahore Government. Thus 
Heera Sing and the Pundit advanced their protege, while he on 
the other hand was even then forming deep schemes for the des¬ 
truction of the whole Dogra party, to which he owed so much. 
He intrigued with Mai Chunda, the mother of Maharajh Dul- 
leep Sing, and with her confidential slave-girl Mungela, to com¬ 
pass the death of Heera Sing and the Pundit, and was one of 
the principals in the conspiracy which brought about the mur¬ 
der of these chiefs. Little did the doomed men suspect that 
one who was a creature of their own hands was the first to 
turn against them. 

About this time occurred the temporary disagreement be¬ 
twixt Rajah Heera Sing and his uncle Rajah Goolaub Sing, 
which has been already recorded. On this occasion Fuzul- 
dad Khan, chief of Rhotas and Domelia, having sided with 
Goolaub Sing, the Wuzeer confiscated all his lands and 
property to the state, bestowing them, with the title of Rajah, 
on Misser Lall Sing, who, backed by twelve hundred ca¬ 
valry, sent by the durbar, went to take possession of his 
domains. On his return to Lahore, he was formally install¬ 
ed Rajah of Rhotas and Domelia, and it is a curious coinci¬ 
dence that on the very day on which this ceremony was perform¬ 
ed, Lall Sing signed an agreement, binding him to aid in the 
extermination of the whole Dogra party, including his indul- 


158 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

gent patrons. On this self same day Misser Lall Sing* was with 
great pomp installed Rajah of Rhotas and Domelia, in the pre¬ 
sence of all the Sirdars of the Court, summoned for the occasion 
by Iieera Sing, who himself made the accustomed “ teeka ” or 
mark on the forehead of his favourite, and, as a special token of 
favour, with his own hand waved the chourie over the head of 
the new made Rajah. 

About a month after this the Wuzeer and the Pundit were put 
to death, but during the interval, Rajah Lall Sing, one of the 
principal conspirators against them, was more than usually 
assiduous in his attendance upon them. With the Pundit he 
even exchanged turbans, thus becoming, ceremonially, his 
sworn friend and brother ! During the same period too, he was 
in the habit of sitting up with the Wuzeer almost nightly, 
engaged in gambling and debauchery. 

On the night before the murder, Lall Sing, accompanied by 
General Mathaub Sing and Meva Sing Majeeteea, who were 
both privy to the conspiracy, waited on the Wuzeer and the 
Pundit, with whom they remained for a long time, endeavour¬ 
ing to persuade them that they had nothing to fear, as they, the 
conspirators, with many other sirdars, and the whole body of 
the Khalsa, were ready to die in their cause if necessary. 
This had the effect of throwing the Wuzeer and the Pundit off 
their guard, and lulling them for the time into a deceitful feeling 
of security. They did not till too late suspect the extent of 
their danger, for had they done, so they might at any moment 
have obtained the protection of the French division, eight or 
ten thousand men, which was ready to turn out in their de¬ 
fence. The same night and just before the interview with his 
victims, Lall Sing had sent a message to the Ranee, with his 
good wishes, for the success of the enterprise, accompanying 
his compliments with a present of some seventeen or eighteen 
thousand rupees, and an offer of as much more to aid in 
paying the expences of the undertaking. Again, while Sirdar 


RAJAH LALL SING, AND THE SLAVE-GIRL MUNGELA. 159 

Jewaliir Sing, with the troops, was out in pursuit of the fugitive 
Wuzeer and the Pundit, Rajah Lall Sing personally paid his 
respects to the Ranee, by whom he was most warmly received. 
And finally on hearing of the death of his patrons, the Rajah 
Lall Sing was the first to hasten with the joyful intelligence to 
Mai Chunda and her adviser Mungela, whom he congratulated 
on the success of their enterprise and the downfall of the 
Dogras. On this occasion again he presented a nuzzur of ele¬ 
ven thousand rupees, with many valuable trinkets and orna¬ 
ments of gold and jewels. 

When matters settled down into something like quiet, Jewa- 
hir Sing, who was now acknowledged as ostensible head of 
the Government, did his utmost to break off the connection 
betwixt Rajah Lall Sing and his sister Ranee Chunda, and to 
prevent all intercourse and communication between them. His 
efforts were fruitless, however, but his intentions won for him 
the bitter though secret animosity of the favoured Rajah. It 
was in pursuance of these ineffectual attempts that Jewahir Sing 
induced Lall Sing to take the command of the troops sent to¬ 
wards Jummoo against Goolaub Sing. The Rajah went, but 
most reluctantly, and the Ranee more than once remonstrated 
with her brother against his being sent on this service. How¬ 
ever, he was not very long away, and on his return in April 
1845, he renewed and strengthened his intimacy with the lady, 
notwithstanding all her brother could do to prevent it. About 
this time it was known to Jewahir Sing, that the Ranee was 
pregnant with her fourth, or, as some say, her fifth child since 
the birth of Maharajh Dulleep Sing. 

In this disgraceful way matters proceeded until the death 
of Peshora Sing, when Lall Sing seeing that the troops were 
bent on a bloody revenge, strove diligently not only to avert the 
vengeance of the army from himself but to ensure its descent 
on the devoted Wuzeer. He, with Buggut Ram and others, 
strove by giving large presents to the soldiery, and by currying 


160 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

favour witli Pirthee Sing’ and the Dogra party, not only to 
save their own lives but also to promote the conspiracy for the 
murder of Jewahir Sing. The price which Lall Sing paid 
for his own safety and for ensuring the destruction of his enemy 
was twenty-five thousand rupees to Pirthee Sing, with pro¬ 
mises of more, and some twelve or fifteen thousand rupees 
distributed among the troops. 

To complete the history of Rajah Lall Sing up to the pre¬ 
sent time, it may be briefly stated, that on the murder of Jewa¬ 
hir Sing, he became, by favour of the Ranee, virtually the head 
of the Government;—that when the invasion of the British 
territories was projected, he was formally appointed and instal¬ 
led as Wuzeer;—that he commanded the Seik cavalry during 
the war on the Sutlej, without winning a reputation for skill 
or valour;—that having for a time given place to the com¬ 
manding influence of Rajah Goolaub Sing, he was on the eleva¬ 
tion of that chief to the dignity of an independent sovereign, 
reinstated in his former office of Wuzeer ;—and finally that 
being convicted of treachery to the state in privately encourag¬ 
ing the Governor of Cashmere to retain possession of that 
province, when it should have been delivered over to Maharajh 
Goolaub Sing, he was, in December, 1846, sent a prisoner to 
Agra, since which nothing has been heard of him beyond the 
bare fact of his existence. 

Another of the Ranee’s favourites and advisers, but one 
of her own sex, has figured largely in the history of the Lahore 
Durbar. This is the celebrated Mungela, the slave-girl, as she 
is called, although a full grown woman on the wrong side of 
thirty. This distinguished personage, the confidante and 
counsellor of royalty, is the daughter of one Peeroo, a poor 
Hindoo, of the Jeur or water-carrier caste, who, with his wife 
and family, supported a miserable existence in a lonely cabin, five 
or six miles from Kangra, by cutting fire-wood and carrying 
it to the town for sale. This, at all events, was the os- 


RAJAH LALL SING, AND THE SLAVE-GIRL MUNGELA. 161 

tensible means by which Peeroo and his family earned their 
livelihood; but they had a more plentiful though secret resource 
in the business of procuring and dealing in slaves. By a 
variety of means, some of them strongly tinged with cruelty, 
they collected female children for the Bunda Frashes, as 
the wholesale dealers in human beings are there called, who 
resorted to the neighbourhood to procure their supplies of slaves. 
Among these slave merchants Peeroo and his wife were cele¬ 
brated for their skill and success in luring away young girls from 
their homes, and in induciug the half-starved people of the 
district to dispose of their offspring as a means of relieving their 
own necessities. The children thus collected were afterwards 
carried away by the wholesale dealers who sold them to the 
highest bidder among the Kangers, or pimps, about Lahore, 
Umritsir, Dewannuggur, &c. Notwithstanding this apparent¬ 
ly profitable source of revenue, Peeroo and his family were 
remarkable among their neighbours for their abject poverty, 
which the simple people around looked upon as heaven’s pun- 
nishment on them for the cruel practices by which they carried 
on their trade. That this poverty was real and not assumed as 
a mask to deceive their neighbours, is testified by the fact, that 
about the close of the year 1825, they found themselves under 
the necessity of selling their own only daughter, then about 
ten years of age. The girl was sold to an itinerant Doom for 
about twenty-five rupees. The purchaser took her to Kangra, 
where he was compelled to dispose of her to a Kanger of the 
place, in satisfaction of a trifling debt of some twenty rupees. 
In the house of her new master the girl was initiated into 
all the evil arts and practices of a courtezan’s life. However, 
about the year 1830, she being then about fourteen years old, 
she contrived to insinuate herself so far into the favour of 
one Jessa, a moonshee of Kangra, that he was induced to pur¬ 
chase her from the Kanger for forty rupees. According to 
another account, however, she absconded from the house of the 


162 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

Kanger, and went to Noorpoor, whence this moonshee carried 
her to Lahore, where she for a while lived as his concubine. But 
this connection, however formed, did not last long. Her protec¬ 
tor soon discovered that her habits, as indeed might have been 
expected from her training, were extremely loose and dissolute. 
She would absent herself from her apartments for days together, 
and it was discovered that on these occasions her usual resorts 
were the houses of some of the Kangers of the city, whither 
she went to obtain money, with which the moonshee did not 
supply her as liberally as she desired. By these means she 
is said to have raised funds sufficient for the purchase of a set 
of golden ornaments, worth perhaps twelve or fifteen hundred 
rupees. On discovering her true character, the moonshee re¬ 
solved to get rid of her by some means or other; and she, 
suspecting his designs, fled from his house, and openly took up 
the trade of a common prostitute in the city. About the year 
1833 or 1834, she became acquainted with Topee Moskee, 
the uncle of Gulloo Moskee, a favourite attendant on the 
person of Runjeet Sing, and went to live in his house. After 
she had remained here some time, Topee Moskee gave her over 
to the charge of his nephew, Gulloo Moskee, who was then 
engaged in his amorous intrigues with Mai Chunda. About 
the end of 1835, Gulloo Moskee introduced the slave-girl 
to Mai Chunda, by whom she was employed as a confidential 
agent, in the conveyance of secret messages connected with 
her amours. The moonshee, Jessa, the former master of Mun- 
gela, hearing that she was now in the possession of either 
Topee Moskee or his nephew Gulloo Moskee, went and made a 
demand for her, founding it on the fact that he had bought her 
of the Kangers of Kangra for forty rupees, and that she had 
absconded from his house. Gulloo Moskee, in whose hands 
the girl now was, disputed the moonshee’s claim, and refused 
to give her up; this led to a dispute, which was the occa¬ 
sion of Mungela’s being brought before Runjeet Sing. She 


RAJAH LALL SING, AND THE SLAVE-GIRL MUNGELA. 163 

was at this time about twenty years of age, and of a re¬ 
markably shrewd, wily, and insinuating character. She could 
not be called handsome in comparison with other women of 
her country ; hut she had a pair of fine hazel eyes of which 
she could make a most effective use, and an easy, winning 
carriage and address. By means of these she attracted the 
attention of Runjeet so far as to induce him to give Gulloo 
Moskee an order that she should remain with Mai Chunda. 
Jessa Moonshee seeing how Runjeet had determined to dispose 
of the girl, had the tact to assnre him that it was as a present 
for His Highness that he had bought her, and that he now 
cheerfully resigned her into the hands of the Maharajh. On 
this he was dismissed with a trifling’ present, and Mungela 
became a permanent inhabitant of Runjeet’s Zenana, where 
she remained in attendance on Mai Chunda as the active 
and willing minister of her pleasures. It was Mungela who 
exerted herself to persuade Runjeet that the child borne by 
Mai Chunda, the present Maharajh Dulleep Sing, was his 
own, though none knew its real paternity better than she did. 
By thus aiding’ and encouraging her mistress in her intrigues, 
by sparing no means of ingratiating herself with her, and 
by all the arts which she exercised to gain her purpose, the 
slave-girl at length attained such an influence over her mis¬ 
tress that the Ranee could not act or decide for herself in the 
most trivial or the most important matter. 

During the life time of Kurruck Sing and No Nehal Sing, an 
intimacy grew up betwixt Mai Chunda and Ball Sing, and 
during the short reign of Shere Sing it had ripened into the 
closest connection. This intrigue was favoured and forwarded 
by Mungela with all her power, her object being to secure 
to herself the gifts in money, jewels, &c. which the lovers 
were ready to bestow upon her most liberally,—Ball Sing then 
having charge of one of the toshakhanas or treasuries. When 
Heera Sing and the Pundit became the heads of the Govern- 


164 


SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 


ment, Lall Sing was strictly prohibited from entering the female 
apartments in the fort, and forbidden to hold any communication 
with the Ranee. At the same time a particular inventory was 
taken of the valuable property under his charge, so that he could 
no longer undetected make presents to his lady-love and her 
Confidant. This gave great annoyance to the virtuous trio, and 
filled them with indignation against Heera Sing and his adviser, 
whose ruin they thenceforth sought. 

When Sirdar Jewahir Sing, the brother of Mai Chunda, was 
imprisoned by Heera Sing for attempting to carry away the 
young Maharajh Dulleep Sing, Mungela persuaded her mistress 
that, should she quietly submit to the incarceration of her 
brother, the next step would be either at once to murder her 
and her son, or to consign them to a lingering death in 
some dungeon at Jummoo or elsewhere in the hills. The 
Ranee was assured that the Dogra party meant no good to her 
or any of her family, and would certainly try by some means 
to get rid of her. Thus was Mai Chunda incited to appeal 
to the troops, whereby she procured the release of her brother, 
who swore vengeance on the Dogras, and immediately proceed¬ 
ed to lay his plans for effecting their downfall. While he 
was at Umritsir sowing the seeds of disaffection and rebellion 
among the Punches and the troops, Mungela was busy at 
Lahore using all her arts to induce Mai Chunda to instigate 
the Khalsa to rise against her enemies. 

While these intrigues were working', Lall Sing contrived 
to insinuate himself so far into the favour of Heera Sing and 
the Pundit, that they, as has been before mentioned, created 
him Rajah of Rhotas. At the same time, however, he was, 
with the Ranee and Mungela, plotting their destruction; yet 
he acted his part so well that up to the last moment his fidelity 
was never suspected by his victims. 

After the murder of Heera Sing and Pundit Jellah, Sirdar 
Jewahir Sing came into power, and at the same time became 


RAJAH LALL SING, AND THE SLAVE-GIRL MUNGELA. 165 

the favorite paramour of the slave-girl Mungela. He now 
strove by every means he could devise to put a stop to the in¬ 
tercourse betwixt his sister, Ranee Chunda, and Rajah Lall 
Sing*. But his efforts were in vain, as Mungela was not so 
much devoted to him as to favour his views in this matter; but, 
on the contrary, she still exercised all her art and influence 
to promote and strengthen the intimacy. Nevertheless the oppo¬ 
sition of Jewahir Sing had the effect of placing* some restraint 
on the proceedings of his sister, her lover, and their confeder¬ 
ate. This of course did not tend to earn him their good will, 
and the grudge they owed him was deepened by his refusal to 
bestow upon them as much of the property of the state in 
the shape of jaghires, &c., as they coveted. Mungela, in parti¬ 
cular, thought herself ill-used when her entreaties, backed by 
those of her mistress, could not obtain for the support of herself 
and all her family more than three thousand rupees a-year of 
the public money. However she had contrived by various sinis¬ 
ter means to collect no small amount of property entirely un¬ 
known to her mistress and her paramour; and on the death 
of J ewahir Sing,—for which it may be supposed she was not 
very sorry, whatever she may have appeared to the world,— 
she became virtually sole manager and controller of all the 
Toshakhanas, out of which she of course helped herself most 
liberally. 

Thus the slave girl Mungela rose to be one of the most 
considerable persons in the state, with wealth and power 
almost unlimited. She had both the Ranee Chunda and Rajah 
Lall Sing entirely at her command, and thus through them she 
moved the wheels of the Government as best suited her 
own views and interests. 

Mungela had an elder brother named Mungeloo, who was 
killed at the battle of Sabraon, and she has still a younger 
brother by name Megraj, who at the age of seven or eight 
years, was, by his parents, pawned or given as security for 


166 SECRET HISTORY OF THE LAHORE DURBAR. 

money to a Kotree Brahmin in the hills. According’ to the 
custom of the country this Kotree made the boy work as his 
bond servant or slave, employing him in the most menial 
offices in his household. This continued for some six or seven 
years, the parents being unable to redeem their pledge; but 
at length the youth was, by the money and interest of his 
fortunate sister, released from bondage, and was shortly 
afterwards made a general of artillery in the service of Maha- 
rajh Dulleep Sing. 



THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


Having as they thought made their peace with the Ranee, 
who had apparently forgiven the murder of her brother, the 
troops in their gratitude promised true allegiance to Maharajh 
Dulleep Sing and implicit obedience to the commands of his 
mother. Many of them even went so far as to declare that 
they would receive as Wuzeer whomsover she might choose to 
appoint; but others, including Court’s, Avitabile’s, and the 
Povindeea divisons sent their deputies to Goolaub Sing at Jum- 
moo, inviting him to come to Lahore to be made Minister, in¬ 
stead of Rajah Lall Sing’, for whom the Ranee now openly 
evinced her preference and favour. However, even these re¬ 
fractory battalions so far submitted themselves to Her High¬ 
ness’s commands as to break up their camps and retire to 
their several stations. They did this the more readily, perhaps, 
because when issuing the order, the Ranee intimated to them, 
that it would soon be necessary for them to reform the line 
for the invasion of British India. On hearing this the troops 
became clamorous for stores and ammunition and the means of 
conveying them, which it not being convenient to supply, 
the Ranee chose to regard their demands as intended to em¬ 
barrass the state and thus to furnish a pretext for declining to 
march as ordered. The troops, however, quietly repaired to 
their various cantonments, and for some time nothing more 
was heard of the projected expedition to Hindoostan. During 


108 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


this interval all went on smoothly, the only anxiety entailed 
upon the heads of the state, being that caused by the intrigues 
of Jevvan Sing, Toshakhaneea, for the elevation of Rajah 
Goolaub Sing to the Wuzeerut, intrigues, however, which result¬ 
ed in nothing. 

The Court went to Umritsir and there remained for some 
time. About the beginning of November, (1845) it left that 
city and returned towards Lahore, but approached no nearer 
than to the Shalimar Gardens, where it took up its abode for a 
while. It was rumoured, about this time, that while at Umrit¬ 
sir, the Ranee and her favourite Lall Sing had formed resolutions 
and plans for the punishment of the army; and from the day 
of the Court’s arrival at Shalimar, Rajah Lall Sing* openly took 
upon himself the duties of Wuzeer, acting of course by 
permission of and under the authority of the Queen Mother. 

Reports were now circulated of the intention of the British 
to take possession of the Seik territories to the south and east 
of the Sutlej. On several occasions, Lall Sing in open durbar 
produced and read papers purporting to be letters from Kardars 
of the country beyond the river, and in which it was stated 
that the British army was already advancing gradually, and 
was creating disturbance and annoyance in the Seik states. 
This intelligence, authentic as it appeared to be, of course 
created considerable excitement among the troops and people 
at Lahore, and soon formed almost the only topic of discussion 
and remark. When these rumours had worked their intended 
effect, Lall Sing summoned a council of sirdars, officers, and 
deputies at Shalimar. To this assembly Dewan Denanauth 
read a letter, which he said had been sent to the durbar by the 
Kardars of the states beyond the Sutlej, intimating that the 
British authorities really meant to seize that part of the 
country,—that they w'ere causing great annoyance to the ser¬ 
vants of the durbar, and had actually given orders to the 
people of several villages to pay no tribute but to the British 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


169 


Government, to whom as they now formally declared, the coun¬ 
try belonged. Dewan Denanauth also intimated to the 
council that great disturbances existed in Cashmere, Peshawar, 
See., and that for a long time not a rupee of revenue had been 
paid in by the Kardars. Having thus excited the alarm and 
concern of the assembly, the wily Dewan went on to remind 
them that their sovereign was but a child, that there was no 
recognised head of the state, and that unless arrangements were 
made for the government of the country, ruin must speedily 
ensue. He then informed them that it was the wish of the 
Ranee that Rajah Lall Sing should be Wuzeer, and Sirdar 
Teja Sing Commander-in-Chief, and that she was willing to 
sanction the inarch of the army across the Sutlej for the 
protection of the national honour, and would, if they thought 
proper, order all the necessary preparations to be made. 
All she wanted, said her representative, was the advice of 
the assembly for the guidance of her conduct at this criti¬ 
cal juncture of affairs. Hereupon the council unanimously 
and by acclamation confirmed Her Highness’s choice of Rajah 
Lall Sing as Wuzeer, and of Sirdar Teja Sing as Commander- 
in-Chief, declaring that the wishes of the Ranee were to 
them commands that must be obeyed. On this Rajah Lall Sing 
thanked the assembly for his appointment, promising to do 
all in his power for the good of the Khalsa ; and when he sat 
down, Sirdar Teja Sing rose and made a similar speech. De¬ 
wan Denanauth now intimated to the assembly, that the Ranee 
would appoint a certain day on which they should all assemble 
at the mausoleum of Runjeet Sing, there formally to install the 
new Wuzeer and Commander-in-chief in their respective offices. 
He also announced, that on the day appointed, it would be 
settled when and whither each division of the army was to 
march, and that the necessary orders would then be issued. 

This meeting at Shalimar took place in the beginning of 
November, and two or three days after the Maharajh and his 

y 


170 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


mother, with the whole Court, returned to the palace in Lahore. 
Preparations for the projected invasion were now commenced 
in earnest, and each corps and battalion was directed to send 
in an account of all that it required for the march. Henceforth 
the expedition and its anticipated results formed the grand subject 
of discourse in camp and city. The soldiers expatiated on 
the booty they were to bring back from Delhi, Muttra, Benares, 
&c., and some were forming plans for keeping and ruling the 
country they were to conquer. 

The astrologers having named an auspicious day, the grand 
assembly for the installation of Rajah Ball Sing and Sirdar 
Teja Sing was held at the summood or tomb of Runjeet. Sing. 
The first thing done on this occasion was to read some passages 
from the Grunth, their sacred book, preparatory to their partak¬ 
ing of the Gurree Persautli , or holy bread and wine,* a ceremo¬ 
ny observed at all their solemn assemblies. This performance 
over, a discussion ensued on an order for the French division 
(Ventura’s) to proceed towards Peshawar, where troops were 
required to quell some disturbances in the province. The Pun¬ 
ches of the division however declared that they would not march 
in that direction until the war with the British was over, and so 
the matter dropped. 

Now all the sirdars, officers,‘"’and Punches were requested to 
lay their hands on the Grunth and on the hem of the sacred 
canopy over the shrine of Runjeet, and thus to swear alle¬ 
giance to Maharajh Dulleep Sing, and obedience to Rajah 
Ball Sing as Wuzeer, and to Sirdar Teja Sing as Com¬ 
mander-in-chief. Then orders were issued for the march 
of the army tor wards the Sutlej. It was made known that 
Ball Sing in person would command the Gorechar cavalry, 


* The bread used on this occasion is rather a fine dough, sweetened with sugar 
and raisins, and rather heated than baked. There is generally a great scramble 
for this Seik sacrament, and the officiating Gooroo is sometimes trampled down 
by the rude and impatient mob of soldiers. 



THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


171 


then about twenty-two thousand in number, with three or 
four camps of. artillery, which were well inclined towards him. 
The rest of the army, about forty-two thousand infantry, with 
about ten regiments of regular cavalry and great part of the 
artillery, was to march in divisions towards Ferozepore. Lall 
Sing would follow in a few days, and Teja Sing would remain to 
complete the necessary preparations, the troops under his com¬ 
mand being conducted on the march by their respective 
officers. 

The preliminary arrangements completed, the meeting broke 
up, and the sirdars, officers, and deputies returned to their 
several corps to communicate the result. 

The troops, allured by the hope of the expected booty, exhi¬ 
bited much eagerness for the order to set forward towards 
and across the Sutlej 5 every one seemed full of confidence 
and high spirits, and the preparations for the march were 
carried on with the utmost vigour and despatch. Many of the 
soldiers sent word to their relatives to join and accompany 
them in their advance across the river, in order to be ready 
for the purpose of assisting them in carrying home the property 
of which they were to become masters in Hindostan. 

On the 23rd November, Rajah Lall Sing left Lahore and en¬ 
camped with his twenty-two thousand Gorechars and about forty 
guns a little beyond Shalimar. Thence he marched to about ten 
coss from the city, and halted for five or six days. The Rajah 
was a bad soldier, and personally not very eager for the fray, 
but he affected a great confidence in the invincibility of the 
Khalsa, and seemed very eager for their advance across the river. 
About the 23rd of November, the infantry made its first move 
towards Ferozepore on various lines of march, under the orders 
of Sirdar Teja Sing, who still remained at Lahore, or rather 
those of the Ranee herself, of which that chief was merely the 
channel of communication. When the entire army had reached 
the right banks of the Sutlej, Teja Sing was written to by 


172 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


many of the chiefs ancl deputies to come and head the troops in 
person. It was not however till the 16th of December, that he 
left the capital, and hastened the camp. The main body of the 
army had already crossed the river at two or three different points 
above Ferozepore, and was encamped on the left bank of the 
stream, at some distance from that place. Rajah Lall Sing’was 
still encamped with hisc avalry, about six coss from Hurree-ka- 
puttun, seemingly intent on continuing his march towards Loo- 
diana. But Teja Sing, as also the officers and Punches, now 
wrote to him entreating, or rather commanding him, to form 
a junction with the infantry near Ferozepore. 

It was now proposed that the army should advance by regular 
marches on Umballa; but Lall Sing seemed disposed to demur 
to this arrangement, as he dreaded to be in the neighbourhood 
of the infantry, by whom he was cordially hated. He was 
however in a manner compelled by his troops to accede to it, 
and he accordingly crossed at or near Hurree-ka-puttun, 
taking care however to keep wide of the infantry. 

The Seik force now on the British side of the Sutlej may 
be computed at eighty thousand fighting men, but the number 
was swelled up by followers and hangers-on to at least two 
hundred thousand. Most of these followers, however, were 
armed men and capable of doing much damage in an enemy’s 
country, or even in their own, by plundering and murdering’. 

The question of an attack on Ferozepore was now mooted. 
Both Teja Sing and Lall Sing were in favour of an attempt 
on the place, but the troops were irresolute. They had im¬ 
bibed a belief that the fort was mined to a considerable distance 
all round, and would be blown up on their taking possession 
of it. They believed in short that it was a huge trap, baited 
for their destruction with some lakhs of treasure ; and they 
regarded the exhortations of their chiefs to proceed to the 
assault as evidence of a desire for their slaughter and ruin. 
Moreover the British garrison put on a bold front and astonish- 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


173 


eel the Seiks with the sight of a handful of men with fortifica¬ 
tions at their command, turning* out to offer battle to over¬ 
whelming numbers in the open field. 

Thus Ferozepore and its garrison remained unmolested by 
the Khalsa force, which lay encamped in the neighbourhood 
for several days. Early on the morning of the 17th December, 
however, news reached Lall Sing’s camp of the approach 
of a British force of no great strength, with the intention 
of joining that already at Ferozepore. On this the entire body 
of Gorechars immediately prepared to advance, supported by 
sixteen horse artillery guns, ordered from the camp of 
Teja Sing, those with Lall Sing being all heavy ordnance, 
drawn by bullocks. Thus the cavalry and artillery advanced 
some ten or twelve coss, and again came to a halt in the forenoon 
of the 17th December. Lall Sing evidently had much difficul¬ 
ty in making up his mind to attack the British force that was 
approaching his position; and it was not until the Seiks 
had reproached him with cowardice, and declared their deter¬ 
mination to fight whether he led them or not, that he advanc¬ 
ed to meet the British column, which was then drawing near 
to Moodkee, about five coss in his front. In the afternoon 
of the 18th, as the Seiks came within two coss of the 
main body of the enemy, they stumbled on a picquet of about 
a hundred horse, which retreated before them with great cool¬ 
ness and regularity, although attacked by the Gorechars with 
much impetuosity, and vigorously followed in their retreat. 
The Seik cavalry was thus lured on until it came close to the 
main body of the British, when the picquet which acted as 
a decoy galloped forward and joined the advancing ranks. 
On finding himself in front of the enemy, Lall Sing commenced 
a fire of round shot from fourteen of his guns, the other two 
having been left on the road. The British troops then formed 
in columns with their artillery in front, and first slowly and 
then at a rapid pace advanced upon the Seik line, which, by 


174 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


order of Lall Sing-, awaited their attack. Presently, however, 
the British began to fire shells, which did great execution, and 
caused much confusion in the ranks of the Gorechars. The Seik 
artillery now began to fire grape, but without the expected effect 
of checking the onward progress of the enemy, who still 
continued steadily and rapidly to advance. On coming within 
range of small arms, the Gorechars commenced a desultory fire, 
but on the fierce attack of the British they gave way and fled, 
leaving most of their guns behind them,—Lall Sing, their 
leader, being one of the first to turn his horse’s head towards 
the Sutlej. The British force did not pursue the fugitive Seiks, 
but encamped on the ground. During the whole of that night, 
the Gorechars came dropping into their camp from the different 
directions in which they had fled. Lall Sing himself did not 
make his appearance till after day break the next morning, 
having, it was reported, been hid in a bush for some time. 

The next day, the 19th, the gallant Rajah sent to Teja Sing 
for a reinforcement of twelve battalions, whereupon the 
French division (late General Ventura’s) was ordered to join 
him, as also those of Mathaub Sing and the Misser, or in all 
the required twelve battalions, with fifty-two guns. 

By the 21st December, Lall Sing had again screwed up 
his courage for another attempt to arrest the progress of 
the British force. He therefore advanced in front of his 
entrenched camp at Ferozeshuhur for nearly a mile, but 
thinking better of the matter, he then, partly by commands 
and partly by persuasion, induced the troops to turn back 
and re-enter the camp. On arriving within their entrench¬ 
ments again the soldiers got leave to take off their regimentals 
and accoutrements, and to cook and eat their victuals. 
While thus engaged and thus unprepared, the British force 
was seen coming down upon them in column from the right. 
On this the drums beat to arms and the troops were promptly 
in line. They were scarcely in their ranks, however, when 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


175 


the enemy opened a murderous fire upon them, and imme¬ 
diately bore down upon and broke the French squares, the 
Ventura division being on the right, and unsupported by 
their comrades. The Gorechars were on the left, and were 
furiously attacked by the British cavalry, which turned their 
flank and completely routed them. The artillery was thus 
left unprotected, and such of the artillerymen as had not 
sought safety in flight were cut down at their guns. Soon 
after this the divisions of Mathaub Sing and the Misser 
retreated, and thus only the French division, which had re¬ 
formed, was left to keep up a desultory fire, which continued 
throughout a great part of the night. 

Before daylight however, even this division, finding itself 
unsupported, and in fact deserted, deemed it best to retire after 
the others, so that by sunrise not a man that could get away 
was to be seen in the Seik camp. The British, who it was 
said, had also retreated during the night, now, hearing 
that the Seiks had fled to the river, advanced and took 
possession of their camp and artillery. At this moment 
Sirdar Teja Sing, with some twenty-five or thirty thousand 
fresh troops, arrived from the camp at Ferozepore, and 
presented himself before the British force, which, tired and 
exhausted with its previous exertions, was unable to attack 
him, and would, in all likelihood, have been found unable 
to repel a vigorous assault from an army of fresh men, 
in overpowering numbers, like that led by him. The usual 
good fortune of the British prevailed however, and in¬ 
stead of seeing the Seik reserve advance to the attack, they 
had the satisfaction of beholding them turn back without 
firing a shot and follow their defeated comrades towards 
the Sutlej. The British force was thus left in undisputed 
possession of the field of Ferozeshuhur, with the entrenched 
camp of the Seiks and all their artillery. 

That portion of the Seik army which had advanced under 


1 76 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


Lall Sing, and had been routed and driven back by the British, 
fled tumultuously across the Sultej, many men being drowned 
in the hurry and confusion of passing that river. * Arrived on 
the opposite bank some ten thousand of them, including 
many officers, dispersed and tied to their houses. It would 
however have been better for them to have held together, 
even at the risk of an attack from the British, for the strag¬ 
gling fugitives received very rough usage at the hands of their 
countrymen and even of their countrywomen, the inhabitants 
of the district through which they fled. Those who reached 
their houses had to encounter the taunts and reproaches of 
their friends and neighbours, and in many instances even of 
their wives, who bitterly reviled them for the cowardice. They 
were robbed and abused and beaten, even the women of the 
villages turning out to rail at them and strike them as they 
hurried along. At Lahore the gates were shut against them 
by order of the Ranee, and an order went forth that all 
fugitives from the camp should be imprisoned, and their property 
confiscated. This had the effect of checking the desertions 
and even of inducing many of those who had retired to Lahore 
and the places adjacent, to return to their posts on the banks 
of the Sutlej. Rajah Lall Sing, who was one of the first 
to flee from the fight, made his way to the camp of Runjoor 
Sing near Philoor, whence he hastened to Umritsir, where he 
secreted himself for some time. 

The Seik army under Teja Sing now lay encamped on the 
right bank of the Sutlej, in the neighbourhood of Hurree-ka- 
puttun; the British on the opposite bank, meanwhile, waiting 
for reinforcements and supplies, which were fast pouring in. 
The Khalsa soldiers entertained strong suspicions that their late 
defeats were brought on by the treachery of their chiefs, 
prompted by the Ranee, who sought their destruction in revenge 
for the death of her brother Jewahir Sing. These suspicions 
were loudly expressed even in several messages to the Ranee, 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


177 


accompanied by threats of their vengeance. Their conduct 
had such an effect on the mind of Her Highness, that she 
began to fear they would march back upon Lahore and put 
her and her son to death. She therefore stationed strong 
guards at every gate of the city, with strict orders to prevent 
the ingress of any Seik bearing arms. 

She also sent orders to Teja Sing to use every exertion 
to keep his men together, and to prevent them from return¬ 
ing to Lahore in a body. Further, to divert their attention 
from their designs of vengeance on her and her advisers, she 
caused a report to be spread that Runjoor Sing had crossed 
the Sutlej, and captured and burnt the town and cantonments 
of Loodiana, that chief being in reality quietly encamped 
near Philoor all the time. However, the rumour reached 
the army at Hurree-ka-puttun, accompanied by a message 
from the Ranee, in w'hich she contrasted their cowardice and 
inactivity with the good conduct of Runjoor Sing and his force, 
a taunt by which Her Highness hoped to inspire the troops 
with a determination to cross the river immediately and to 
attack the British. It had not, however, its expected effect. 
At this time Rajah Lall Sing returned to the camp, but 
took care to keep the river betwixt himself and the Khalsa, 
who, he believed and probably with truth, would have mur¬ 
dered him had he trusted himself in their hands. 

The army meanwhile was not idle. Two European engineers, 
Signor Hurbon, a Spaniard, and Monsr. Mouton, a French¬ 
man, were called to the camp to advise and assist in strengthen¬ 
ing it against an assault from the British. By them a field¬ 
work of great strength was designed on the left bank of the 
Sutlej, at the head of the bridge of boats. On this work 
the whole army laboured night and day, with great diligence 
and assiduity, and it was not long ere what seemed an almost 
impregnable tete clu pont was completed. 

z 


178 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


Thus the opposing armies lay watching each other for many 
days, ere the preparations of the British for the attack were 
completed. In the interval, the battle of Aliwal was fought, 
where Runjoor Sing was routed with great slaughter by a 
detachment of the enemy’s force which had been sent to 
the relief of Loodiana. The news of this reverse created 
a panic among the Seiks, both in Court and in camp. The 
troops, notwithstanding their strong position and superior 
numbers, lost all heart and regarded themselves as doomed 
to defeat and slaughter. They had no confidence in their 
leaders, and their only hope of safety lay in the promise of 
Goolaub Sing to place himself at their head. This chief had, 
on the first out-break of hostilities, been summoned from 
Jummoo, whence he had come with no great alacrity. He 
made, however, a great show and many promises of assistance, 
which were never to be realised. At length he reached 
Lahore, with about three thousand men and large quantities 
of supplies ; but though his troops were sent forward to join the 
army, he himself remained at the capital, on various pretences, 
for some time. He was now surrounded by about five hun¬ 
dred Punches, who spoke of making him Wuzeer, and of 
carrying him to the camp to lead the army against the 
British. He, however, evaded compliance with their wishes, 
making them satisfied for a while longer with promises and 
professions. He would, he said, shortly proceed to take the 
command of the army on the banks of the Sutlej, and he 
urged the necessity of abstaining from an attack upon the 
British until he should have placed himself at the head of the 
troops. 

But, as possibly may have been anticipated by the saga¬ 
cious chief of Jummoo, ere his time for taking the command 
arrived, the British had acquired strength sufficient to become 
the attacking party instead of waiting to be attacked. Goo- 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


179 


laub Sing* was yet at Lahore, when on the morning* of the 
10th February 1846, the Seik army was assailed in its works 
on the left bank of the Sutlej, and after a desperate resistance, 
driven across the stream with gTeat slaughter. The troops had 
resolved on one last struggle, even though they had in reality 
little hope of success, and now that struggle had resulted in 
their defeat and repulse, they lost all heart for further efforts. 
The British army, victors in the battle of Subraon, immediate¬ 
ly crossed the Sutlej, and advanced directly upon Lahore, 
not a shot being fired in opposition to their triumphant pro¬ 
gress. 

Meantime at Lahore, the Punches who had taken charge 
of Goolaub Sing, had almost by force installed him as Wuzeer, 
he day by day promising at such a time to proceed to the 
Sutlej and take command of the army. These Punches 
were engaged also in bandying abuse with the Ranee and her 
advisers, Mungela, the slave-girl and others, whom they 
accused of treachery and wickedness of all kinds. Thus 
matters stood at the capital, when the news of the battle of 
Subraon arrived there, closely followed by intelligence of the 
advance of the British into the country. On this the Ranee 
called a council of the Sirdars and Punches, &c., who were on 
the spot, and intimated to the assembly, that with the consent 
of the army and on receiving a written assurance of its readi¬ 
ness to obey all her orders, she would depute Rajah Goolaub 
Sing to meet the Governor-General, and offer the submission 
of her son the Maharajh and herself, as the only means 
of averting the entire subjugation of the country. The pro¬ 
mise was readily given, and the next day Goolaub Sing- 
marched for Kussoor, where the British camp now lay. Here 
he had an interview with the British Chief, and in a few 
days afterwards the young Maharajh Dulleep Sing was brought 
from Lahore and instructed to make a formal submission 


180 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


before the Governor-General. Thus perished the independence 
of the once powerful state founded by Runjeet Sing. 

It has been already remarked, that the troops who formed 
the Seik army on the Sutlej, strongly suspected that they 
had been betrayed into the hands of the enemy by their own 
chiefs, acting under secret instructions from the Ranee. The 
conduct of those chiefs, and especially that of Teja Sing-, 
was, it must be owned, such as to strengthen, if not confirm, 
these suspicions. There was but too much reason for them 
to believe that the whole or nearly the whole of their sirdars 
and officers, were combined in a treacherous scheme to entrap 
them, and deliver them up an easy prey to the British army. 
Instead of watching for opportunities to employ the force 
to the best advantage against the enemy, it seemed as if the 
leaders of the Seiks were intent only on placing their troops in 
such a position as might render them an easy and complete 
conquest to their foes. Notwithstanding, however, that the 
Seik soldiery more than suspected these designs and intentions 
of their chiefs, they were unable to extricate themselves from 
the position into which they had been thrown. They 
gave vent to their alarm and indignation in fierce reproaches 
on the treachery of their leaders, but that was all they could 
do. “ We know,” they said to their leaders, “ that you have 
leagued with the Court to send us against the British and to 
pen us up here like sheep for them to come and slaughter us 
at their convenience; but, remember, that in thus acting, you 
play the part not only of traitors to your country, but of ruth¬ 
less butchers and murderers. You destroy a whole army, 
which, whatever its faults and crimes may have been, has always 
been ready to obey the orders of the state and its officers. 
We might even now punish you as you deserve, but we will 
leave you to answer to your Gooroo and your God, while we, 
deserted and betrayed, as we are, will do what we can to 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


181 


preserve tlie independance of our country.” By language 
such as this, many of the officers were induced to assume an 
appearance of fidelity, while they nevertheless continued their 
endeavours for the betrayal of the army. 

It has been said that the conduct of Teja Sing, in particular, 
savoured much of treason to the Khalsa. His strange con¬ 
duct in ordering a retreat before the wearied and almost 
defenceless British force at Ferozeshuhur, on the morning 
of the 22 nd December, is inexplicable on any other supposition 
than that of treachery. It was on this occasion, while he 
was haranguing the troops, and persuading them of the neces¬ 
sity for retiring, assuring them that unless they did so, their 
bridge of boats and the whole line of the river in their rear 
would be immediately occupied by the British,—while he was 
thus discoursing, an old Seik horseman, a soldier of the times 
of Runjeet, galloped up to him, and drawing his sword, strove 
by threats and fierce invectives, to induce the Sirdar to order 
the advance instead of the retreat of the army. He pointed 
to the exhausted British forces unable to fire a shot, and 
asked what was to be feared from them, who, he declared, 
would not be able to stand a vigorous charge from the fresh 
troops now opposed to them. The conduct and language 
of this brave old trooper induced Teja Sing with joined 
hands solemnly to protest and swear by the name of God 
and his Gooroo, that he had no other intent in retiring than 
that of saving the troops by preventing their retreat from 
being cut off by the British. But the old horseman, still 
convinced of the treachery of the Sirdar, cursed him as a 
traitor and a coward before the whole army, and then quietly 
returned to his post in the ranks. 

The troops however, though convinced of the treachery of 
their chiefs, could only follow where they led 5 for no one 
came forward from among themselves to lead or advise them, 
and without a head they could do nothing. They therefore 


182 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


returned with Teja Sing to the banks of the Sutlej, and thence 
across that river. 

It is reported, as an illustration of the personal character of 
Teja Sing, that while the army was lying in the entrenched 
camp, on the banks of the Sutlej at Hurree-ka-puttun, or 
Subraon, he, being in a manner compelled by the troops to 
take up his quarters in the midst of them, sought to secure 
himself from the consequences of the anticipated cannonade, 
by erecting a small but strong circular tower to which he 
might retire for safety. It is said also, that just as he 
had completed this triple-walled fortalice, a Brahmin astrolo¬ 
ger persuaded him that it would be no defence for him unless 
constructed according to certain rules and proportions, which 
he, on consultation with the stars, had discovered. The disinter¬ 
ested seer added, that on being duly rewarded for his pains, 
he was willing to communicate the secret of construction 
on the proper plan; and on receiving five hundred rupees 
as earnest money, he declared that to ensure the requisite 
strength, the walls must be equal in thickness to the length 
of three hundred and thirty-three long grains of rice, or 
about three English yards and a quarter, while the inner 
chamber to which the Sirdar was to retreat, in case of need, 
was to be a regular circle, the diameter of which must 
be thirteen and a half spans of Teja Sing’s own measurement. 
Report says further, that the gallant Sirdar might have 
been seen day after day engaged in vain attempts to lay 
down the plan and dimensions of his little fort on the 
prescribed scale,—idly busied in spanning over a certain spot 
of ground, while the soldiery were hard at work forming and 
strengthening their entrenchments. While he was thus em¬ 
ployed, one of the European engineers then in camp happened 
to pay him a visit, and on learning, to his great amusement, 
what the Sirdar was so anxiously engaged upon, pulled forth 
an English foot-rule, and with the greatest expedition and pre- 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


183 


cision laid down the plan, of what, after some trouble he con¬ 
vinced the Sirdar, would be quite as secure a retreat as any 
the stars could devise. So effectually indeed did he at 
length instil into the mind of the gallant Sirdar a persuasion, 
that in his advice alone was security to be found, that thence¬ 
forward scarcely an hour passed in which he was not summoned 
into the presence of the Commander-in-chief to advise and 
report upon the construction of this castle. 

It is asserted also, that on the first intimation of the attack 
by the British, Teja Sing sent about fifty of his most attached 
and trusty followers to secure the ghat and the approach to 
the bridge of boats connecting the camp with the right bank 
of the Sutlej, thus providing as far as possible for his safe 
retreat in case of need. While the battle was raging, the 
Commander-in-chief was, it is said, securely ensconced in his 
own peculiar fortress, watching only for an opportunity of 
making good his retreat unobserved across the bridge. While 
he tarried for this purpose, some horsemen gallopped up to 
his castle, and demanded that he should come forth and 
repair to the spot where the troops under Sham Sing 
Attareewallah were beginning to waver, that he might 
rally and strengthen them by his presence and commands. 
—He thereupon dismissed the messengers with his com¬ 
pliments to the gallant chief Sham Sing, desiring him to hold 
his ground as long as possible, and assuring him that after he 
had secured the bridge he would hasten to his assistance and 
support. Soon after this he found his way down to and 
across the bridge, attended by fifteen or twenty horsemen 
in waiting upon him, and was thus, if report does him no 
injustice, the first to quit the bloody field of Subraon. It 
is said, moreover, that having got safely across the bridge, 
he ordered up eight or ten gams, and had them pointed on 
the bridge as if ready to beat it to pieces or to oppose 


184 


THE WAR WITH THE BRITISH. 


the passage of the defeated army. To this is attri¬ 
buted the crowding and confusion among the retreating 
troops that led to the breaking down of the bridge and the 
fearful slaughter that ensued. Some even assert, that having 
made good his own retreat, the ropes by which the bridge 
was held, were, by the Sirdar’s orders, cut or cast loose, where¬ 
by it became impassable to the retreating masses. It is possible, 
however, that many of these stories, attributing treachery and 
cowardice to Teja Sing, may have had their origin in the dis¬ 
trust and ill-will with which he was regarded by the army, and 
therefore they are not to be implicitly relied on. 


































































































MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


PHOOLA SING, THE AKALEE. 

Phoola Sing Nahung, an Akalee of the Jat Sing caste, 
and the son of a poor Akalee attendant of the Akal Boongah 
at Umritsir, first distinguished himself as the leader of the 
attack on Mr. Metcalfe’s escort, in 1809, at Umritsir. Soon 
after the unsuccessful termination of this exploit, Phoola Sing, 
with a few of his comrades, forced himself into the presence 
of Runjeet Sing, and drawing his sword, demanded vengeance 
on the hand of strangers who had been the cause of so much 
loss and disgrace to him and his class. This unreasonable 
demand he endeavoured to enforce by threatening to wreak 
his own revenge and that of his comrades on Runjeet himself 
and all his family, if it was not complied with. Runjeet 
was astonished, and possibly somewhat alarmed at this intrusion 
of the bold and desperate young man and his followers. Com¬ 
pliance with their demand for the slaughter of the British 
envoy and his retinue was, however, out of the question, as 
it would have ensured his own political and perhaps personal 
destruction. He, therefore, with that coolness and tact for 
which he was distinguished, told his rude visitors that if they 
w T ere bent on vengeance, he offered himself as their victim, 
for that they might as well slay him at once as ensure his 
ruin by causing him to break faith with the British, and 
to insult or injure their ambassador. After a long parley he 
induced the young Akalee and his followers to lay aside 

A A 



186 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


their desire of vengeance, at least for the present, and pre¬ 
senting the leader with a pair of gold bangles, and distributing* 
gifts of smaller value among his companions, sent them away 
in good humour. 

From this time Plioola Sing became very popular among 
the Akalees, and ere long became an acknowledged chief of 
the class. At the head of three or four hundred Nahungs, 
horse and foot, he scoured the country as a free-booter, plunder¬ 
ing villages and committing depredations of various kinds. 
However, like the Robin Hood of English history, or the Deesoo 
of his own country, he was noted as much for his kindness 
and forbearance towards the poor as for his ravages upon 
the rich and well-to-do. It is probable that he lost nothing 
by pursuing this line of conduct; for by sparing the poor, 
who were in truth hardly worth robbing, he made them his 
friends, and in some measure his allies, they often reciprocating 
his kindness by affording him useful information and some¬ 
times assistance or shelter when required. 

The fame of Phoola Sing’s exploits soon reached the ears 
of Runjeet in the complaints of those who had suffered 
loss at the hands of the Akalee chief. Runjeet, however, 
knew the man too well to think of resorting to extremities 
with him on slight provocation. He therefore politely request¬ 
ed his attendance at court, and when he came, gently remon¬ 
strated with him on his conduct, endeavouring by presents 
and persuasions to induce him to adopt a more orderly and 
honest mode of life. But all the eloquence of the Maharajh, 
backed as it was by costly bribes, failed to lure Phoola Sing 
from his evil courses. Runjeet now tried to frighten him 
into propriety by sending after him large bodies of troops, 
but the Akalee was not to be caught, and was not to be fright¬ 
ened by a vain pursuit. He still therefore continued his career 
as a robber-chief on a large scale, his band swelling out on 
occasion to the number of four or five thousand desperate 


PIIOOLA SING, THE AKALEE. 


187 


and greedy men. Even in the court and camp of Runjeet, 
the Akalee free-booter was an object of dread ; and he, pre 
suming on the terror which his name inspired, would enter 
the houses of the most powerful sirdars and openly carry 
off the choice of their goods and horses, or whatever he took 
a fancy to. He also levied “ black mail” on the chiefs, de¬ 
manding large sums of money for the expences of himself 
and followers; and if his demand was not immediately complied 
with, the contumacious sirdar might expect to be plundered 
of all his property. Even Runjeet himself was not exempt 
from this impost, which he was content to hear in common 
with his sirdars. The Maliarajh, however, prudently strove 
to conciliate the powerful free-booter, by yielding to his 
demands with a good grace, and sometimes indeed by antici¬ 
pating them. He frequently bestowed gifts of money and 
jaghires on the Akalee leader and his followers, and thus in 
some degree secured their forbearance and friendship. 

At length it occurred to the sagacious Runjeet to turn to his 
own advantage those qualities and propensities of the Akalee 
band, under which he had suffered so long. This purpose he 
attained by taking them into his service, but without insisting 
very strongly on the enforcement of regular military discipline. 
It was indeed the prudent policy of Runjeet, whenever he 
knew of any famed and dreaded robber to send for him to 
his presence, and by presents and the promise of good pay, 
to attach him to his own service, thereby converting to his 
own use and benefit, the courage and the rapacity which would 
otherwise be exercised at his expense. Thus it happened 
that in most of the battles which Runjeet fought with his 
Affghan or other foes, the tide of victory was turned in his 
favour, by the daring and impetuous onslaught of some of these 
desperate spirits, whose predatory hahits while they had given 
them an utter disregard for all discipline had inspired them 
with a thorough contempt for death and danger. 


188 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


Phoola Sing with his small band of Akalees, when taken 
into the service of the Maharajh, contributed largely on 
more than one occasion to win victory to his cause. It was 
an Akalee and one of the picked men of Phoola Sing’s band, 
that, without orders, first mounted the half-formed breach at 
Moultan, in 1818, with about forty of his comrades at his 
back, and by this desperate assault made way for the entrance 
of the whole besieging army, which otherwise might have 
lain before the place for many days longer. It has been 
commonly said that this Akalee, whose name was Jussa Sing, 
was drugged with opium; but this is a mistake, as it is well known 
this man was a fanatic of such pretensions to sanctity that, 
contrary to usual practice, he strictly denied himself the use 
of bhang or soohah, the only intoxication drug in use among the 
Akalees. So pious was he reported to be among his comrades, 
that he was commonly known as Maullah Sing,—the maullah 
being the beads which the Seiks use in prayer. However, it 
was to the desperate bravary of this man and his followers 
that Runjeet owed the early and easy captive of Moultan, 
his troops being so much annoyed by the fire from the fort 
that they had been compelled to keep close in their entrench¬ 
ments, where but for this exploit of Jussa or Maullah Sing, 
Akalee, they might have lain inactive for some time longer. 
This achievement, however cost the lives of Jussa Sing and 
thirty-four of his forty followers, who were found, on the 
capture of the place, lying dead or mortally wounded within the 
walls. 

In 1819, Phoola Sing signalised his courage at the capture 
of Cashmere, on which occasion Runjeet rewarded his bravery 
with many gifts and favours, and raised him to the rank of a 
sirdar. He was now a constant attendant on Runjeet’s person, 
and accompanied him in all his campaigns against the Aff- 
ghans, &c., contributing, not a little to their successful 
results. In 1823, a battle was fought at Teree on the northern 


PHOOLA SING, THE AKALEE. 


189 


bank of the Looncla or Cabul river. Victory at first seemed 
to have declared against the Seiks, for in spite of all that 
Runjeet with his European generals Ventura and Allard could 
do to prevent it, a panic spread among the troops, who were on 
the point of turning to flee before their Affghan foes. 
Several unsuccessful attempts to drive the enemy from his 
position on the hill of Teree, in which they had been repulsed 
with great slaughter, had exhausted their strength and broken 
their spirits, and a shameful defeat seemed inevitable. In vain 
Runjeet threatened and implored, in vain he adjured them 
by their God and their Gooroo to advance, in vain dismounting 
from his horse he rushed forward sword in hand calling on 
his troops to follow him,—his threats, his entreaties, his adju¬ 
rations, and his example were alike disregarded. The troops 
would not advance, they were beginning to retire in panic 
flight, and the day seemed lost. Runjeet was in despair and 
as a last resource was about to betake himself to his prayers 
and his beads. Just at this critical juncture, however, he 
saw, to his great joy and equally great surprise, the black 
banner of Phoola Sing and his Akalees moving along the 
foot and then up the side of the disputed bill. The Akalee 
chief at the head of his five hundred desperadoes was advancing 
against the enemy. Runjeet had himself seen Phoola Sing, 
in the heat of the engagement, struck from his horse by 
a musket ball which shattered the cap of his knee; he had seen 
him borne to the rear to all appearance utterly disabled. But 
there was Phoola Sing seated on an elephant actually leading his 
little band to the assault. On went the Akalees after their 
leader who from his elephant shouted an invitation to the whole 
army to follow them. The army did not respond to his call, 
but up the hill and towards the foe went Phoola Sing and his 
men, determined to decide the fate of the day by a des¬ 
perate assault. The Affghans waited not for their attack, 
but rushed down the hill to become the assailants. At this 


190 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


moment, Plioola Sing ordered his men to dismount and let 
their horses go. This was done, and at the same instant 
the Akalees shouted their war-cry of Wah Gooroojee! which 
the Affghans as loudly answered with their Allah ! Allah! 
The horses set at liberty, either from habit or alarmed by the 
tumult, rushed wildly forward and into the ranks of the 
enemy. This strange and unexpected attack caused some 
confusion in the Affghan host, observing which the Akalees, 
throwing down their matchlocks, rushed forward sword in hand 
with such impetuousity as to drive back the enemy, and to 
secure themselves a footing on the hill. The main body of 
the Seiks witnessing this success of the Akalees, now took 
heart, and with a loud cheer rushed forward en masse to take 
advantage of it. By this movement, a body of twelve or fifteen 
hundred Affghans was placed betwixt the Akalee band and 
the advancing Seik army. Finding themselves thus exposed 
on both sides, they took to flight, endeavouring to elude 
the Akalees who were above them, and to make their way 
towards the summit, where their main body, some eight or ten 
thousand men, was strongly posted. But Phoola Sing was 
not the man to permit them to escape so easily; he turned 
and attacked them with such vigour that they were speedily 
brought to a stand, and in the attempt to check his advance, 
lost above six hundred men. The Akalee force, however, 
was by this time reduced to little more than one hundred and 
fifty. Yet this exploit of theirs, had so inspired the main 
body of the army with courage and spirits that hastening to 
the support of the little band of heroes, they completely routed 
the Affghan detachment, and followed up their advantage 
by a desperate effort to dislodge the more powerful body of 
the enemy from its position on the summit of the hill. Phoola 
Sing mounted on his elephant led the advance undeterred 
by the receipt of another musket ball in his body. His Akalees 
rushed on, in front of the attacking army, eager to close with 


PHOOLA SING, THE AKALEE. 


191 


the enemy. As tliey approached the position of the Affghans, 
they were met hy a most destructive fire of matchlocks and 
musketry, which greatly thinned the small party of Akalees 
who now remained. At this moment the mahout who con¬ 
ducted the elephant on which Plioola Sing was seated, having 
already received three balls in his body, and being terrified 
at the close and destructive fire, hesitated to advance. In 
vain the chief urged him to proceed directly towards the enemy, 
the man was panic-struck and seemed rather to meditate a 
retreat. On this Phoola Sing drew a pistol from his belt 
and shot him through the head. He then with the point 
of his sword urged the elephant forward towards the enemy. 
He had not, however, advanced much further when a bullet 
from an Affghan matchlock entered his forehead, and he 
fell back in his howdah a corpse. The death of their leader 
so infuriated the Akalees, that though their first charge was 
repulsed, they again and again returned to the assault with 
more desperate resolution, and in the end made a way for 
the Seik army into the midst of the enemy’s position, and 
dislodged him from the height with great slaughter. Runjeet, 
now rejoined by many of his troops who had fled at the first 
reverse, followed up his advantage, and falling on the Affghans 
who had again formed at the foot of the hill, put them to 
flight in the greatest tumult and confusion, numbers of them 
hiding themselves in the long grass of a neighbouring swamp 
where they were cut to pieces or shot down by the victorious 
Seiks. The loss on the side of the Seiks was upwards of 
five thousand men, and it was thought that the Affghans lost 
nearly double that number. 

This battle of Teree was won for Runjeet, after all hope 
of victory had fled, by the bravery of Phoola Sing, so gal¬ 
lantly supported by his little troop of Akalees. The he¬ 
roism of the Akalee chief won the applause of both Seik 
and Mussulman, and the tomb erected over his remains, 


192 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


on the spot where he fell, although watched and attended 
by a party of Akalees, has become a place of pilgrimage for 
Hindoos and Mahometans alike. It stands at Naoshera, on 
the Yuzoofzie side of the Loonda or Cabul river. 

Since the days of Phoola Sing, the Akalees have greatly 
degenerated, and are to be found intermixed with men of low 
castes, as Mujbees, &c., a practice, which their distinguished 
chief never countenanced or permitted. A true Akalee of 
the original Jat stock is now rarely to be met with, except at 
the different Akal Bhoongabs, as at Umritsir and else¬ 
where. The real Akalee was bold, free, and assuming to 
all, but in particular haughty and audacious to those who 
dared to call or think themselves his superiors in rank or 
station. He ever strove to win the character of a friend 
to the poor, and an enemy of the rich and powerful. He 
was a fanatic in his religion, which was nearly a 
pure deism, and followed strictly all the rules laid down for 
his guidance by the great Gooroo Govind Sing. He made 
no scruple to seize or demand from even a friend whatever 
he required; but he was equally ready to overpay an obligation. 
He cared little for wealth, but was content with the mere ne¬ 
cessaries of existence. He was regardless of life and willingly 
exposed his own to danger at the call of duty. Such was 
the true Akalee of the stock which produced a Phoola Sing ; 
but the race is now nearly extinct. Before the war with 
the British, they had much fallen away, and since that cam¬ 
paign, in which they suffered severely, little has been heard 
of them. 



THE MUTINY IN CASHMERE. 


198 


A 


THE MUTINY IN CASHMERE. 

About a month after the accession of Shere Sing, and when 
intelligence reached Cashmere that the troops at Lahore had 
mutinied and were murdering their officers, the two Seik batta¬ 
lions there under the command of Meean Sing, the Governor, made 
a demand for their arrears of pay. This demand not being im¬ 
mediately complied with, the troops conspired together to put the 
Governor, Meean Sing, to death, and to set up a member of their 
own body in his place. They believed that they could hold 
possession of the valley, and prevent any force that might be 
sent against them from entering, by opposing it in the passes 
through which it must advance. 

Meean Sing was warned of this conspiracy, and informed 
that it would actually break out in an open mutiny if measures 
were not promptly used for its suppression. He, however, heeded 
not the warning and advice, regarding the danger described 
by his friends as purely imaginary. Thus he remained in 
false security, until one night he was rudely aroused from his 
sleep by a band of about fifty Seik soldiers, who had broken 
into his house, even into his chamber, and who told him, 
in terms which he could not misunderstand or disbelieve, that 
they had come for the purpose of putting him to death. They 
bade him rise and dress himself, promising him a short time to 
prepare for death by reading a few passages from the holy book. 
On this, Meean Sing calmly replied, that as they were consider¬ 
ate enough to give him time to read the Grunth, it would 
be only a necessary indulgence that they should allow him 
a light for the purpose. His request was granted, a light was 
brought, and he composedly read some appropriate passages 
from the Seik scriptures. Having thus prepared himself, 
he told his murderers that he was now ready to die, and was 


B B 


194 MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 

thereupon most deliberately cut down with a sword. His body 
was then handed over by the assassins to his friends that 
it might be disposed of in accordance with the ceremonies of 
their religion and custom. 

Meean Sing had a Bungee, or slave, to whom he had shewn 
great kindness and favour, even making him the Under Kotwal 
or Deputy Superintendent of Police in Cashmere. When 
this man heard of the murder of his master and friend, he 
went in disguise and marked out the leader of the assassins. 
He then on the next night, taking with him a trusty follower, 
made his way into the house where this chief of the mur¬ 
derers was sleeping with some thirty others around him. 
Having effected their entrance, the Bungee and his com¬ 
rade slew the leader and his second ere the rest of the party 
took the alarm, and having thus fulfilled their purpose, made 
their escape as they came. They then hastened from the 
valley and into the Punjaub, and gave information at Lahore 
of what had been done and was doing in Cashmere. 
Thereupon a body of about five thousand men was sent 
into the valley under the nominal command of Pertaub 
Sing, the son of Shere Sing, who was placed under the charge 
of Rajah Goolaub Sing. The object of this expedition was 
of course to punish the mutineers and murderers, to restore 
order and quiet in the country, and to instal a new Governor 
in the place of Meean Sing. The troops advanced to the 
very city of Cashmere without meeting the least opposition; 
but it appeared that the mutineers were here resolved to 
stand their ground. They refused to deliver up their arms 
on being summoned to surrender, and though Rajah Goolaub 
Sing condescended to negotiate with them for some time, 
it was to no purpose. On this, the order went forth that 
they should be attacked in the intrenchments which they had 
formed on the south bank of a small stream, there called the Dood- 
Gunga. On hearing that the assault had been determined on, 


THE MUTINY IN CASHMERE. 


195 


the mutineers sent their women and children to a place of safety, 
and gave away all their property, even their clothes and shoes, 
to the Brahmins, thus significantly intimating their resolution 
to conquer or to die in the battle that was to ensue. Some 
of them, however, waited on Rajah Goolaub Sing, as though 
to make further propositions for their surrender, and by 
deceitful representations induced him to mount his elephant, 
and proceed towards their entrenchments. As he approached, 
fifty of the band suddenly rushed out upon him sword in hand, 
and attacked his escort of five hundred men with such des¬ 
perate fury that the Rajah had to seek safety in a precipitate 
flight to his own camp. 

Enraged at this treachery and its effect, Goolaub Sing order¬ 
ed an instant attack by his whole force, which was already 
drawn up in line on the opposite hank. Ere, however, his 
troops could get into motion for the assault, a party of about 
two hundred and fifty of the mutineers rushed upon them 
with such impetuosity, that the four battalions of the Rajah’s 
force were for the moment broken and put to flight. But the 
troops thus surprised and temporarily discomfited, soon rallied 
again, and opened so heavy a fire on their assailants that 
the latter had speedily to retire to the shelter of their entrench¬ 
ments. By this sally of the mutineers the Durbar force lost 
about two hundred and thirty men. 

Now the Rajah’s four battalions, with about a thousand 
Gorechars, advanced to attack the main body of the mutineers 
in their entrenchments. The ground to be passed over was 
the half-dry bed of the stream already referred to. The troops 
marched over it in regular order, until they came within about 
twenty-five or thirty yards of the entrenchments, when the 
mutineers,—about five hundred only were present, the rest 
having escorted the women and children—fired a most des¬ 
tructive volley into the advancing ranks, then throwing down 
their matchlocks, rushed out sword in hand upon the enemy 


196 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


and drove the whole line back to a distance of about a hun¬ 
dred yards. Again, however, the heavy and continued fire 
of overpowering* numbers compelled the mutineers to retire to 
their entrenchments,—all but about fifty of them, who broke 
desperately into the midst of the Durbar troops and sold their 
lives most dearly. 

On this occasion the standard-bearer of the mutineers dis¬ 
tinguished himself greatly. He was seen to rush forward with 
his colours,—to plant them in the sand,—to leap in among the 
troops, laying about him with his sword,—to return to his stand¬ 
ard,—advance with it to another spot,—again plant it and again 
cut his way forward. Thus he acted for about a quarter of 
an hour, making great havoc among the Durbar troops, of 
whom he killed about twenty with his own hand. At length 
he fell, shot through the head by a matchlock ball. The loss 
of the Rajah’s troops in this affair was about five hundred 
men, the mutineers losing about half that number. 

The mutineers who yet remained, having re-assembled, now 
retreated towards the Peer Punjal Pass, intending to make 
their way out of the valley and into the Punjaub. They 
were however, met by Meean Jewahir Sing, the nephew of 
Goolaub Sing, who with about four thousand men, had been 
left to guard the pass and to prevent their egress. By this 
force they were attacked just as they had reached the southern 
side of the Peer Punjul range, and being unable to resist 
the assault of numbers so superior, they were dispersed 
with considerable loss. Those who escaped fled towards Lahore, 
where when all had come in they assembled about five hundred 
men. They now sought to be reinstated in the service of the 
Maharajh, but Shere Sing ordered that they should be disbanded 
and discharged, and on this they dispersed to their respective 
homes. 

Goolaub Sing having thus effected the object of his expedi¬ 
tion to Cashmere, left Shaik Mohee-ood-deen as Governor 


THE MUTINY IN CASHMERE. 


197 


of the province, and departed with his troops for the Hazareh 
and Trinoul districts, by the Mozufferabad road. The object 
of his march in this direction was to put down the distur¬ 
bances that were just then created by Paindha Khan, the 
chief of the Trinoul district, an old and inveterate enemy 
of the Lahore Government. 

The Rajah encamping at Chumkaree, was engaged in 
settling matters in that quarter, about a month before the Cabul 
insurrection broke out. At the beginning of October, secret 
despatches reached him from his brother Rajah Dehan Sing 
at Lahore, and some Patan messengers arrived in his camp about 
the same time from the same quarter; it was, apparently, in con¬ 
sequence of these communicaations, that the Rajah moved down 
into the Hazareh country. He was heard about this period 
to throw out hints of things to come, which afterwards tended 
to excite a strong suspicion that he was privy to what was to 
take place at Cabul. However, when the outbreak did occur, 
and the news of it was made public, he professed to consider 
it quite a matter of course, and what must in the nature 
of things have occurred sooner or later. 

When the first two battalions of the British force sent to 
the relief of their countrymen in Affghanstan reached the 
Indus at Attock, Goolaub Sing, who was in that neighbour¬ 
hood, and who had orders from the Durbar to render them every 
assistance in his power, did his utmost to delay their passage 
across the river. He secreted all the boats, with the exception 
of some two or three, and these he contrived to keep from them 
for some time, on the plea that they were urgently required 
for the use of his own troops, then engaged, as he said, in active 
operations against the insurgents under Paindha Khan. 



198 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


WUZEER ZOROVEROO. 

The celebrated Minister and military leader under Goo- 
laub Sing-, who is sometimes but improperly called Zorover 
Sing 1 , but properly Zoroveroo, was a native of Kussal, near 
tbe fortress of Reharsee in tbe hills beyond Jummoo. He 
began his career as a private soldier in this fort, and being 
well acquainted with the country and people around, soon 
rendered himself particularly useful to, and so won the favour 
of, the Killadar. This officer finding Zoroveroo more intelligent 
than most of his comrades, frequently employed him in carry¬ 
ing messages to his master the Rajah at Jummoo. It was on 
one of these occasions, that Goolaub Sing first became acquaint¬ 
ed with the merits of his humble follower. Zoroveroo, with 
an eye probably to his own advancement rather than to 
the interest of his chief, informed the Rajah that he was 
a great loser by the manner in which rations were distri¬ 
buted to his troops. He said, that every man in the hill- 
forts received one pukka seer of flour a day, that this 
being more than they could eat, at least one-third of the 
quantity was sold by them. He therefore proposed, that 
if the Rajah would authorise him, he would effect for him 
a yearly saving of at least a lakh of rupees; and Goolaub imme¬ 
diately gave him a writing to the effect that he, Zoroveroo, 
was appointed inspector of commissariat supplies in all the 
forts north of Jummoo. 

Zoroveroo had not promised what he could not perform. 
He speedily effected a saving to the Rajah’s coffers of the 
full amount he had mentioned, and thereby won the admiration 
and gratitude of his master. As may be supposed, he soon 
became a favourite with the Rajah, who was as much astonished 
as pleased to find that he had a servant who could resist 


WUZEER ZOROVEROO. 


199 


alike tlie temptations of presents from himself and bribes 
from others. Zoroveroo was quickly raised from one appoint¬ 
ment to another, until he became Governor, with almost irres¬ 
ponsible power, over all Kussal and Kistowar. In this office 
he was strict even to cruelty; so much so, that the people 
of the country dreaded him even more than they did his 
master, Goolaub Sing. It was, moreover, useless for them 
to complain to the Rajah, who invariably confirmed his decisions^ 
and in fact refused to interfere in any thing which he had 
done. 

Eventually Zoroveroo received the title and office of Wuzeer, 
with full power to levy and direct forces as he pleased for the 
conquest of the independant states around. Not long after 
this new dignity and power had been conferred on him, Goolaub 
Sing heard that his Wuzeer had conquered and seized a 
large tract of fine fertile country belonging to Chumba; 
and soon after this, he learnt that the valley of Iskardo had 
in like manner come under his rule. The victorious leader 
seldom wrote to the Rajah to tell him of his successes, he 
knew it would be more pleasing to his master to learn the 
results of his expedition by the loads of spoil which almost 
daily arrived at Jummoo; and it was chiefly in this very 
agreeable and unmistakable manner, that Goolaub traced the 
progress of his General. 

Zoroveroo had studied the character of his patron to good 
purpose. He knew that his master-passion was avarice, 
and in all things he sought, by the gratification of this 
ruling passion, to secure and extend his credit with the 
Rajah. Hence it was that he refused all presents and even 
all pay from his master; hence it was that he sent to that 
master all the bribes and presents that were offered to himself; 
and hence it was that instead of boastful despatches, he 
sent loads of booty to announce his conquests. In all this 
he simply bartered wealth for power, as, according to his hopes 


soo 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


and anticipations, the Rajah reaping the fruits of and delighted 
with the display of his self-denying integrity in money mat¬ 
ters, rewarded it in the manner most acceptable to Zoroveroo, 
namely by the grant of additional powers and the further 
extension of his confidence and trust. 

It was, however, at the expense of the most fearful suf¬ 
fering to the people around, that Zoroveroo courted his master’s 
favour. Goolaub was surprised as well as delighted to find 
that where he formerly received a thousand rupees of revenue, 
he now received fifteen hundred; and he was not, it may be 
supposed, very careful in his inquiries as to how the increase 
was effected. He did not know, or knowing did not care, 
that much of this increased revenue was raised by the exercise 
of the most frightful cruelty on his unfortunate subjects. 
Zoroveroo made no scruple to seize the children of those 
who could not or did not pay up their contributions to the 
revenue at the moment it became due or was demanded, or the 
fines which he arbitrarily laid upon them. These children he 
actually sent about the country in droves, like sheep or kine, 
their unfortunate parents following them with cries and lamen¬ 
tations. Even young infants were thus carried away for the 
satisfaction of a cruel avarice; and married women were taken 
when children were not to be had. When one of these herds 
of wretched captives amounted to a larg*e number, it was driven 
down to the plains about Noorpoor, Denanuggur, and other 
towns in the Punjaub, where the miserable slaves were sure 
to find a ready sale. Inexorably cruel and pitiless was Wuzeer 
Zoroveroo in pursuing the interests of his master, and he has 
been known to have captives cut to pieces for either attempt¬ 
ing to escape, refusing to proceed, or even for fainting on 
the road. 

Thus did Zoroveroo extend his master’s sway over the great¬ 
est part of the hill-country north and north-east of Jummoo. 
Thus too did he with the most heartless cruelty exercise his 


WUZEER ZOROVEROO. 


201 


delegated but practically irresponsible authority over the 
subjects of Goolaub Sing. While he was thus winning pro¬ 
vinces and hoarding wealth for his patron, he exercised the 
most rigid self-denial towards himself. He had never drawn 
pay from the time of his first interview with the Rajah; he wore 
no clothes but those sent him by his master; where bribes or 
presents were offered to him, he invariably sent the money 
to his chief. Even his wife and children he left dependant 
on the Rajah for their daily subsistence. But he had his re¬ 
ward in the favour and admiration of his master, and in the 
unlimited confidence which that master placed in him. It is 
possible too, that he might have had ulterior views for his own 
aggrandisement, in the exercise of the power which he thus 
acquired, but as the time or the opportunity for effecting his 
purpose, whatever it might be, never occurred, nothing is 
known on this point. 

The conquests of Zoroveroo in the north rendered him an 
object of dread among the people inhabiting the countries 
that lie along the further base of the Snowy Range, and 
it was not without reason that they regarded his progress 
with alarm. At his suggestion, Goolaub Sing formed the 
project of an expedition for the conquest of Ladakh, and this 
plan was carried out by the Wuzeer, though at the expence of 
much difficulty and loss. His army marched by the way of 
Kistowar, and penetrated the Snowy Range, through passes of the 
most difficult and almost inaccessible character. On his return 
from this first expedition to Ladakh, however, he greatly 
improved the communication with that province, repairing the 
roads and removing some of the obstacles to his advance 
through the passes. 

It was not long ere he proceeded on a second expedition in 
this direction, marching by the same route to Ladakh, where 
he was joined by a force from Cashmere. Thence he advanced 
and took Iskardo and Little Thibet from Ahmed Shah. This 


c c 


202 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


conquest however, he owed less to his military skill or prowess 
than to the exercise of bribery, and to the disunion existing 
among the members of Ahmed Shah’s family. After plunder¬ 
ing the country which thus fell under his power, Zoroveroo 
returned by his old route, and sent the spoils of his late 
campaign to his master at Jummoo. At the same time he 
informed the Rajah, that if he were reinforced to some extent 
he would, in another campaign, overrun the whole Champa 
country, and plunder the holy places of the Lamas, whose 
shrines, as he told the Rajah, were of solid gold and silver. 
He also informed his master, that not far to the eastward of 
Ladakh, there was a gold mine worked by the Chinese Tartars, 
which he should be able to secure for his patron. Dazzled 
by the splendour of these prospects of unbounded 'wealth, 
the covetuous Rajah directed his Wuzeer to hasten to his 
presence, when they could discuss the arrangements for a 
campaign of so much risk and so much hope, more con¬ 
veniently. Goolaub had so much confidence in the skill, 
courage, and prudence of his Minister, that he doubted not 
for a moment his ability to execute the bold plan which he 
had formed. It was therefore only for the purpose of arranging 
as to the means and manner of the expedition that he requested 
the attendance of Zoroveroo at his capital. Thither the Wuzeer 
hastened at his patron’s call, and it was not long ere the 
plan and arrangements for the campaign were settled in 
consultation betwixt him and his master. The force destined 
for the service, was to consist of five hundred Meeans or 
Rajpoots, and eight hundred Rohillas, with nine thousand hill- 
men to be collected from the provinces under the Wuzeer’s 
government; while a battalion of infantry, with two guns, 
was to go by the Cashmere road to Ladakh, there to join the 
main body under Zoroveroo. The Wuzeer would proceed by 
his former route to Ladakh, and thence towards the Champa 
country and the lakes of Manserawara. 


WUZEER ZOROVEROO. 


20*1 

Matters being thus arranged, the Wuzeer left Jummoo in high 
spirits to execute his bold design. In May 1841, his whole force 
was assembled at Leh, the capital of Ladakh, whence after set¬ 
tling some disturbances in the neighbouring districts, it set for¬ 
ward in the latter end of June. Leaving the Cashmere battalion 
and its two guns at Leh as a reserve, and to keep the country 
quiet, Zoroveroo, with the rest of his force, about ten thousand 
men, marched along the north bank of the Scinde river. When 
he had thus advanced for some days, they took prisoners 
some Bhoteas or Thibetans, and some Tartars from the plains 
of Changthong, and these men led the army to a large plain 
to the north or north-west of Rudakh, where the Tartars 
used to dig for and find gold in small pieces or grains. Zoro¬ 
veroo was thus induced to halt in this district for about twenty 
days, during which time he had numbers of men employed 
in searching for the precious metal which his master loved 
so well, and the result was that a weight of about two seers and 
a half was collected. The price of this gold was the destruction 
of Zoroveroo and his army. While the Wuzeer was foolishly 
lingering about the spot that yielded the vile dross, the peo¬ 
ple of Champa, the Chinese Tartars, and a large force from 
Lassa, had united and were advancing to check his progress 
and to give him battle. Learning this he hastened forward 
rapidly, and ere he met the enemy came upon three or four 
Lama shrines, which he plundered of all that was valuable. 
He then pushed forward towards the lakes, where he promised 
himself much rich booty. He had not, however, proceeded 
many days in this direction when the Champa cavalry and 
other hostile forces became so annoying to his army on the 
march that he found himself compelled to halt. Having done 
this he was soon surrounded by the overwhelming force that had 
collected to oppose him, and being compelled to give battle 
was completely defeated. Zoroveroo himself, and his five 
hundred Rajpoots, were among the slain, and the whole army 


204 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


was dispersed with great slaughter. Only a miserable remnant 
of the force, which found their way through the hills into 
the British territories by way of Almora, returned to Jummoo, 
to tell the tale of their defeat and the death of their leader, 
the Wuzeer Zoroveroo. 



THE SOODHUN REVOLT. 


205 


THE SOODHUN REVOLT. 

About the year 1832, several independent hill-tribes inhabi¬ 
ting the north western regions of the Punjaub were reduced into 
subjection to the Lahore state. These were the Doondh, Soo- 
dhun, Suthee, and Murdiall tribes. The Doondh tribe lived 
chiefly on the banks of the Jhelum, especially on the western 
bank, from the point where the river leaves the Kukka Bumba 
hills for about twenty-five or thirty miles down the stream. 
This tribe was in number about fifty or sixty thousand. The 
Soodhun tribe inhabited a large tract on the eastern bank of 
the same river opposite the country of the Doondhs, and num¬ 
bered about forty thousand souls. The Suthee tribe dwelt 
chiefly in the lower hills to the south of the tribes above men¬ 
tioned, and was estimated at about twenty thousand. Lastly 
the Murdiall tribe lay to the east of the Sudhun, and was 
reckoned at about eighteen thousand people. 

About the period above mentioned the Dogra brothers of 
Jummoo endeavoured to bring these wild clans into subjection, 
nominally to the Lahore state, but really to themselves. Find¬ 
ing, however, the conquest less easy than they had anticipated, 
they prevailed upon their master, Runjeet Sing, to march with 
his whole army towards Rawul Pindee, and thus to aid them 
by making a demonstration against the tribes whom they in vain 
sought to subdue. Runjeet accordingly marched with some 
sixty thousand men in the direction indicated, and encamped 
with this force at Kooree, in the plains, but just at the entrance 
of the hilly region inhabited by the doomed clans. Seeing 
so overwhelming a force, under the famous Runjeet Sing, 
apparently coming against them, and startled by the thunder 
of a hundred and fifty pieces of ordnance echoing among 
their mountains day and night, the people readily submitted 


206 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


to the yoke which the Dogra chiefs sought to impose upon 
them. 

One of the head-men of the Sudhun tribe when it submitted 
to the Dogras, was Shumass Khan. This man, as a hostage 
for the fidelity of his clan and family, was kept about the 
person of Rajah Dehan Sing, whom he actually served as a 
private Gorechar trooper. In this capacity he so far won the 
favour of his master, and was taken so far into his confidence, 
that he incurred the jealousy and dislike of the elder brother, 
Goolaub Sing. This feeling of hostility induced Goolaub on 
several occasions to remonstrate with his brother, on what 
he chose to consider the folly and impropriety of reposing his 
confidence in a man so circumstanced as was Shumass Khan. 
The younger brother, however, could never see the matter in 
the same light, and he accordingly continued to display his 
favour and partiality to the fallen chieftain as before. Shumass 
was to all appearance duly grateful to his patron and recipro¬ 
cated his regard; and thus he remained in close personal atten¬ 
dance on Rajah Dehan Sing at Lahore, until near the end 
of the year 1836. 

About this time Rajah Goolaub Sing was summoned from 
Chiniote, where he was just commencing a campaign against 
Dewan Sawun Mull of Moultan, and compelled to hasten with 
all his troops towards Peshawur, where the Affghans had won 
a temporary success over the Seiks, and had killed the Governor, 
Sirdar Hurriett Sing. Rajah Dehan Sing had already hastened 
to the point endangered, having left Runjeet Sing encamped at 
Ramnuggur; and, attended by a few horseman, made so rapid 
a march that he arrived at Peshawur in little more than three 
days. Goolaub, as has been said, broke up his camp at Chiniote, 
and, without any warning or previous arrangement, his army 
was directed to hasten, every division as it best could, towards 
Peshawur. His force consisted of about six thousand men, 
horse and foot, with twelve light guns; yet with the exception 


THE SOODHUN REVOLT. 


207 


of some three hundred men and two guns, which broke 
down on the rapid march, the whole body was re-assembled 
on the further bank of the Indus near Attock, on the morning 
of the fifth day. 

Here Goolaub Sing rejoined his troops, and here he received 
a letter from Dehan Sing, now at Peshawur, informing him 
that as matters there had changed for the better, there was 
no occasion for him to advance upon the place; but that his 
services were required in the Yuzoofz} r e country, north of the 
Loonda or Cabul river, where all the people were up in 
arms to claim their independance. Accordingly the army im¬ 
mediately proceeded towards the troubled districts, crossing 
the Cabul river at Jehangerah, seven or eight miles to the 
north-west of Attock. 

It was while engaged in the suppression of these disturbances 
in the Yuzoofzye districts, that Goolaub heard of a revolt in 
his own hill states, among the Sudhun, Suthee, Doondh, and 
Murdiall tribes. It took him, however, two months and some 
hard fighting to reduce the Yuzoofzyes to subjection, nor was it 
till he had laid waste a great part of the country, and had 
driven most of the inhabitants to the hills that order was 
in any degree restored. After all, the country was in a very 
unsettled state when his anxiety for the suppression of the 
revolt in his own dominions induced him to hasten thither, 
leaving the Yuzoofzyes to the management of one Ursulla 
Khan, whom he made Kardar of the district. This man was 
devoted to the interest of the Jummoo Rajah, and was great¬ 
ly favoured and trusted by him. He is the same Ursulla 
Khan, who lately caused much disturbance by exciting and 
heading an insurrectionary movement in the country entrusted 
to his charge. 

It was by the wide-spread intelligence of the Seik reverses at 
Peshawur, and a rumour that these disasters were of so serious 
a nature that they would require for some time all the power of 


208 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


the Dogra brothers to repress them, that the hill tribes had been 
induced to hope that they might by a vigorous effort shake off the 
yoke which they so reluctantly bore. This hope was strength¬ 
ened by the prevalence of another rumour which spoke of 
Rajah Goolaub Sing as being badly, some even said mortally, 
wounded, in one of the skirmishes with the Yuzoofzyes. Hence 
it was that the tribes rose in rebellion, and being at first 
but feebly opposed by the Seik garrisons, carried all before 
them. 

It happened that Shumass Khan, the former chief of the 
Sudhun clan, and who, as has been related, had since the 
subjugation of his tribe, continued in attendance on Delian 
Sing, had just before this time obtained leave to return for 
a short time to his home in the hills. Goolaub Sing, as it 
has been mentioned, held this man in bitter enmity, and 
on hearing of the reports which were circulated in the hill 
country, and which were exciting the people to rebellion, he 
immediately wrote to Delian Sing at Peshawar, informing him 
that Shumass Khan was the treacherous enemy who was 
spreading these rumours so prejudicial to their interest. He 
furthermore strongly advised his brother to leave the supposed 
traitor entirely in his hands, and not to interfere in any way 
with the measures to which he should resort for punishing him 
and restoring order in the country. 

A short time after this, instructions were sent to some of 
the Kardars and other dependants of Goolaub Sing, to have 
Shumass Khan, with all his family, taken prisoners at his resi¬ 
dence in the hills, where he then was. The chief, however, 
received intelligence of the design for his capture, and knowing 
the fate that would await him should he fall into the hands 
of Goolaub, made his escape with all his family into the fast¬ 
nesses of the hills, thus placing himself beyond the reach of the 
Rajah’s power. 

This was the signal for the hitherto smouldering flame 


THE SOODHUN REVOLT. 


209 


of rebellion to break out. Tlie whole country rose in arms 
against the authority of the Dogra Rajahs, and as they at 
first met with little opposition, the insurgents had in less than 
a month, and before Goolaub could extricate himself from 
the Yuzoofzyes, taken and destroyed all the forts and strong¬ 
holds of their rulers, from Poonch almost to the walls of 
Jummoo itself, and from the borders of Cashmere to the base 
of the hills. All the troops which Goolaub could as yet 
send against them were repulsed and obliged to return with 
heavy loss, leaving the triumphant insurgents in possession of 
the whole country. And this although the Jummoo force num¬ 
bered about five thousand men, and was commanded by Meean 
Oottum Sing’, the eldest son of the Rajah, one of the bravest 
of his race, and by Dewan Hurree Chund, Goolaub’s principal 
minister and commander. 

At length the Rajah himself left the Yuzoofzye country, 
and marched his troops to Kohoutee, at the foot of the hills 
to the north-east of Rawul Pindee. Seeing, however, that 
if force alone were used, the result would be at least doubtful, 
he halted at Kohoutee for some time, and commenced a course 
of intrigue and bribery for the purpose of creating disunion 
among the insurgents, and bringing' some of them over to his 
side. Shumass Khan had now openly placed himself at the 
head of the insurgents, and it was by intriguing with and 
bribing the enemies of this man among the hill chiefs that 
Goolaub wrought his purpose. Having succeeded by such 
means in detaching many of the insurgents from the common 
cause, and secured their aid or at least their neutrality, the 
Rajah at the head of about eight thousand regular infantry 
and twelve thousand irregulars, a sort of militia raised in 
the hills about Jummoo, ascended from the plains at Ko¬ 
houtee and marched towards Mung and Pelundheree. In 
order at once to strike terror into the insurgents and to distress' 
and punish them, he devastated the country as he advanced, 

D J> 


810 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


permitting his troops freely to plunder and to practise every 
excess. More than this, he offered a reward of five rupees 
for the head of e very insurgent or any of those connected with 
him, man, woman or child; and in consequence a cool syste¬ 
matic massacre ensued, likely to lead to the utter extermination 
of the miserable people. Panic struck by this display of 
ferocity, and hopeless of being able to resist the overpowering 
force led by the Rajah, the insurgents dispersed and fled to 
hide themselves and their families among the rocks and moun¬ 
tains, and in the pine forests and jungles, leaving their houses, 
cattle, and property to the mercy of the advancing army. 

Often the troops came upon their hiding places, and dis¬ 
covered a wretched family pent up together in some den or 
cavern, where they were, without respect to sex or age, 
savagely massacred for the sake of the paltry reward put 
upon their heads. However, after some few days of this ex¬ 
terminating slaughter, the Rajah issued an order that the wo¬ 
men and female children should be spared, and when taken 
captive, brought and delivered over to certain officers whom he 
appointed to take charge of them. Thus in a short time each 
separate division of the army had in its train a drove of unfor¬ 
tunate women and children, driven about like cattle, in the 
most miserable condition, half starved and scarcely half clad— 
whatever little clothing they had carried with them in their 
hasty flight from their homes having been taken from them 
by the greedy and merciless Dogra soldiers. Sometimes for 
days no rations were served out to these wretched captives, 
and they were left dependant for subsistence on what chance 
threw in their way, or what the rude soldiery might be dis¬ 
posed to give them. On the re-assemblage of the army at 
Pelundkeree, these prisoners were gathered into one large herd, 
consisting of about five thousand females of every age. They 
were now regularly penned in a sheep-fold secured by a strong 
hedge of prickly bushes, and here kept without any proper pro- 


THE SOODHUN REVOLT. 


211 


vision being made for their subsistence. The troops themselves, 
at this time, lived chiefly on the grain called Muhh or Mekei 
which they eat raw; and a bundle or two of this was daily 
thrown among this herd of five thousand human beings, as all 
that was considered necessary to preserve them from actually 
dying of hunger. To quench their thirst they were once a day 
loosed from their fold and led to some neighbouring stream, 
and then like sheep driven back again. To such barbarous 
treatment, and other ill-usage, which it is not necessary to 
describe, no less than fourteen or fifteen hundred of these 
poor wretches fell victims during the halt at Pelundheree. 

The males of the insurgent tribes had been almost entirely 
exterminated, some five or six thousand of them, whose heads 
were tossed about the encampment in the sight of their captive 
relatives, having been hunted down and slain during the halt 
of fifteen or sixteen days at Pelundheree. Altogether not 
less than fourteen or fifteen thousand people of these small 
tribes perished in this campaign. 

During the stay of the army at Pelundheree, some of the 
enemies of Shumass Khan, for whose head Goolaub Sing had 
offered a very large reward, promised to lead the Rajah’s forces 
to the spot in which the insurgent chief was secreted with a 
few of his followers. Accordingly Meean Oottum Sing’, with 
a strong detachment, was guided to the very house in which, 
by the advice of his betrayers, Shumass Khan had taken up 
his abode. He was there surprised while he and his attendants 
were asleep, and of course was immediately put to death. His 
head with that of his son, who was killed at the same time, was 
afterwards exhibited in an iron cage, at the top of the Adha 
Dek Pass above Poonch, where it remained for some years. 

With the life of Shumass Khan ceased the last hopes and 
efforts of the insurgents. No further resistance was offered 
to the triumphant progress of the victors; and satisfied with 
the amount of punishment which he had inflicted, Goolaub 


212 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


withdrew his troops, retiring- by various routes through the 
hills to Jummoo. 

On his departure for his capital the Rajah ordered that the 
drove of captive females should be sent thither after him. 
During the march to that place, about seven hundred of them 
died from want and fatigue, while many more were privately 
carried off by the soldiery as their share of the booty. Thus 
of the five thousand females that had been collected in the 
sheepfold at Pelundheree, only about eight or nine hundred 
reached Jummoo. From these some forty or fifty of the 
youngest and best looking were selected for the Rajah’s zenana, 
in which some of them are still living. The rest, with the 
exception of about a hundred who died from ill-treatment 
at Jummoo, after being kept in the neighbourhood of that 
city for some time, were sold to the highest bidders, and thus 
many of them were consigned to hopeless slavery. 

Thus was the Sudhun insurrection suppressed and revenged, 
and such was its immediate but not its only result. Those 
who had escaped the sword of the conqueror, and were left 
at liberty in their hill-fastnesses, on returning to their homes 
found that they had yet an enemy to encounter more 
formidable than the Jummoo troops and their merciless leader. 
The fields having remained uncultivated and unsown during 
the occupation of the country by the enemy, Famine, with 
all its horrors, raged throughout the land. The wretched peo¬ 
ple were, therefore, again compelled to fly, and some thousands 
of them sought the means of subsistence in the nearest low¬ 
land districts, where, however, many of them perished of 
hunger, perhaps after selling their children for a rupee or 
two each to purchase food to preserve their lives and the lives 
of their offspring. 

Such was the fate of a people who dared to take up arms 
in an attempt to free themselves from the power of Rajah 
Goolaub Sing. 



FUTTEH KHAN TEWANAH. 


213 


FUTTEH KHAN TEWANAH. 

Futteh Khan the chief who, in conjunction with Sirdar 
Chuttur Sing Attareewalla, effected the murder of Prince 
Peshora Sing, and who has lately given the Lahore Durbar so 
much trouble in the Yuzoofzye country, was a Chowdrie and 
the son of a Chowdrie of Mitha Tewanah, a place on the banks 
of the Jhelum, fourteen or fifteen miles to the north-west of 
Kooshaub. From the place of his birth and abode, he is com¬ 
monly called Futteh Khan Tewanah. 

About the year 1821, when Runjeet Sing took the fort 
of Monkera, and brought into subjection the Nawaub of that 
district, he advanced and returned through the district of Mitha 
Tewanah, which was before that time divided into a number 
of small estates, altogether independent of the chief of the 
country. Each of the Chowdries, possessing a small Ghurrie or 
fort, with four or five villages around it, regarded himself, 
and was regarded by his neighbours, as a sovereign potentate 
on a small scale. As might be expected these petty princes 
were constantly at war with each other, bloody conflicts 
were of frequent occurrence, and the people of the country 
from their habits of strife were notorious for their depredations, 
and became in short little better than a race of mere robbers 
and free-booters. Their country had long been famous for 
its excellent breed of horses, and the people were celebrated 
from their good horsemanship and their skill with the spear. It 
happened thus, that when Runjeet conquered the country 
in 1821, Futteh Khan and Klioda Buksh, his brother, with 
their father and about fifty or sixty horsemen of the clan, accom¬ 
panied the Maharajh to Lahore, he having invited them to 
follow him in consideration of the assistance which they 


£14 MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 

had rendered him in the subjugation of Monkera and even of 
their own country. 

It was, however, chiefly through the instrumentality of Rajah 
Dehan Sing that these men were first introduced to Runjeet’s 
special notice. On their arrival at Lahore, Dehan Sing fre¬ 
quently exhibited them and their followers before the Maharajh, 
displaying their wonderful skill in the management of their 
horses and arms. One feat, which particularly pleased Runjeet, 
was that of striking a tent peg from the ground with the 
spear while at full gallop. It was thus that the Maharajh 
was induced to take favourable notice of the Tewanah brothers, 
and to retain them in his immediate service, with a jaghire 
in their own district of about six thousand rupees, enlisting 
also their fifty or sixty followers at about three hundred rupees 
each sowar yearly. 

Khoda Buksh was placed in command of the little troop 
of horsemen, the father being appointed Chabook sowar, or 
rough rider, in attendance on Runjeet, in which capacity his 
skill and adroitness earned him many marks of the Maharajh’s 
favour. Futteh Khan, being a particular favourite of Rajah 
Dehan Sing, became his right hand man, and chief councillor 
in all his hunting expeditions, an office for which his previous 
habits of life peculiarly suited him. 

Thus the family advanced their interest and influence at 
Lahore, until about the year 1832, when the father died. 
On his death, Futteh Khan and his brother, at the intercession 
of Dehan Sing, received a considerable addition to their jaghire, 
which already amounted to twelve or fifteen thousand rupees 
a year. A district worth twenty or thirty thousand rupees, 
in the Hazareh country, was given to them in farm. Sirdar 
Hurriett Sing, Nellowa, then Governor of Peshawar, was an 
implacable enemy of the Tewanah family, and had hitherto 
been the sole obstacle to their rise and advancement, judging 
that as he held the greater part of the Hazareh country in 


FUTTEH KHAN TEWANAH. 


215 


jagliire, they could rise only on the ruin of his fortunes. Ere 
long, however, Hurriett Sing was slain by the Aflglians at 
Peshawar, and soon after his death, the brothers received, 
through the favor of Dehan Sing, another large addition to 
their estates in the Hazerah, being a district worth above 
a lakh of rupees yearly. At court, also, the Tewanah brothers 
had, through the influence of their patron, become sirdars 
of great dignity and influence. 

Thus matters stood at the death of Rajah Dehan Sing, on 
which occasion Futteh Khan, with his son a lad of fourteen or 
fifteen years of age, was in attendance on the Minister. It is 
said, however, that when Dehan Sing was met on his way to 
Shahbelore by Ajeet Sing Scindawalla and his band, and by 
them turned back towards Lahore, Futteh Khan, who 
till that moment had been riding close by the side of the 
doomed Minister, seeing that something was wrong, dropped 
behind the cavalcade and so only arrived at the gates of the 
fort in time to be shut out from the scene of murder. On 
finding the gates closed betwixt himself and his patron, and 
knowing that Ajeet Sing’s party could mean no good to him, 
Futteh Khan prudently retraced his steps, and hastening into 
the city there concealed himself until the death of the Scinda- 
wallas made it safe for him to re-appear. His young son, 
who was by the side of Dehan Sing when he was about to 
enter the gateway of the fort, was despatched by the Rajah, 
who suspected danger, to summon a band of three or four 
hundred armed followers from his Havelee or palace, but, 
as might be supposed they did not arrive at the fort until 
the gates had been closed against them, and when the adherents 
of the Scindawallas mustered strong enough to frighten them 
from all attempts at a rescue of their master. 

On emerging from his retreat, when matters had somewhat 
settled down, leaving Heera Sing and the Pundit Jellah at 
the head of affairs, Futteh Khan found that the new Wuzeer 


216 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


and his adviser were any thing but favourably disposed 
towards him. He was taxed with treachery and unfaithful¬ 
ness on the occasion of Dehan Sing’s assassination, and soon 
found that evil was in store for him. Heera Sing and the 
Pundit, as a pretext for laying their hands on him, demanded 
a lakh of rupees as due for the country held by his family 
in the Hazareh, and claimed from him thirty thousand camels, 
which they said Rajah Dehan Sing had given into his charge. 
Compliance with these demands being out of the question, 
and their fulfilment being insisted on, Futteh Khan, by night 
and in disguise, fled from Lahore and retired to his patrimo¬ 
nial estate of Mitlia Tewanah. Thither he was ere long 
followed by a body of troops sent from Lahore to take him 
prisoner. He had, however, got the start sufficiently to be able 
to flee with his family and the greater part of his moveable pro¬ 
perty across the Indus, where he found a safe retreat. Find¬ 
ing their pursuit ineffectual, the troops sent against him 
returned to Lahore without having fulfilled the object of their 
journey. On their retirement, Futteh Khan recrossed from his 
hiding place, and was able to collect a large force of Moolkeeas 
or inhabitants of the surrounding districts. Putting himself 
at the head of these insurgent bands, he began to lay waste 
with fire and sword the whole country within his reach. Plun¬ 
der, rapine, and revenge being his only objects, he was too 
prudent to attempt to meet the regular troops that were from 
time to time sent from Lahore against him. This predatory 
warfare he kept up during nearly the whole administration 
of Heera Sing and Pundit Jellah; but on receiving’ news 
of the death of these his enemies, he hastened to Lahore, 
assured of a favourable reception from Jewahir Sing, who now 
came into power. His hope of favour with the new Wuzeer 
was founded on the encouragement which he had received from 
that Sirdar in his measures for the annoyance of their common 
enemies, Heera Sing and the Pundit. Nor was his confidence 


FUTTEH KHAN TEWANAH. 


217 


misplaced. Jewaliir Sing, on liis appearance at Lahore, pre¬ 
sented him with a valuable Klielut and additional jaghires in 
Hazareh worth ten or eleven lakhs a year, including Dera 
Ismail Klian, Golatchee, Bunnoo-Tank, and Mitha Tewanah, 
with all their dependencies. His son, also, a mere youth, 
was made a general of artillery, with a salary of twelve hun¬ 
dred rupees a month. 

Khoda Buksh, the brother of Futteh Khan, died at Mitha 
Tewanah, of cholera, when this disease was raging throughout 
the Punjaub. Soon after this event, a private perwanah from 
Jewahir Sing, instructed Futteh Khan to proceed with all his 
troops against Peshora Sing, then at Attock, whom he was to cap¬ 
ture and put to death. In this affair, which has been detailed 
elsewhere, he was joined and assisted by Chuttur Sing Attaree- 
walla, and in the murderous business they both acquitted 
themselves greatly to the satisfaction of their employer. On 
the death of the Prince, Futteh Khan hastily retired to 
his domains of Dera Ismail Khan and Bunnoo-Tank, 
where he knew he would be safe from the apprehended ven¬ 
geance of the Khalsa on the murderers of their favourite 
Peshora Sing. He thus avoided the retribution which fell 
on his patron and employer, Jewahir Sing, who became a 
victim to the rage of the troops. 

Elated with his former successes and the impunity with 
which he had hitherto escaped, Futteh Khan now determined 
to rid himself of some of his principal enemies in the 
country about him. In fulfilment of this design, he, while 
living at Dera Ismail Khan, invited certain Patans, his 
intended victims, to a great feast, and when his guests 
were off their guard, he had the whole party put to death by 
the swords of his followers. The clansmen of the murder¬ 
ed chiefs, however, enraged at this bloody and treacherous act, 
united for the punishment of the murderer, and, attacking him 
with a considerable force, he was compelled to flee across the 


E E 


218 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 


Indus to his own district of Mitha Tewanah. It was while resid¬ 
ing here that he learnt, seemingly to his great astonishment, 
that his conduct at Dera Ismail Khan was regarded at Lahore 
as so heinous, that he had been proclaimed a traitor and 
a rebel, and that troops had been sent towards Mitha Tewanah 
for his apprehension. Knowing, however, that at the capital 
craft and money could do any thing, he sent in his submission 
by the hands of his mother, accompanied by large sums of 
money as presents to the Ranee and her confidential adviser, 
the slave girl Mungela. His ambassadress, thus accredited 
and recommended, was of course well received. She was 
provided with a residence in the palace, and taken into 
the favour of the Ranee, and what was more to the purpose 
of the all-powerful Mungela, whose good offices had, it is 
said, been purchased by no less than a lakh of rupees. It 
hardly need be said, after this, that Futteh Khan was re¬ 
lieved from all fear of present molestation, and allowed to 
remain in quiet, for a while. Subsequently, however, affairs 
turned so much to his disadvantage that he found himself 
deprived of a great part of the country to the west of the 
Indus, which was made over to the son of Dewan Lekhee. 



THE 




LORDS OF THE HILLS;— 

A 

GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 


CHAPTER I. 


According to various old Sanscrit manuscripts, corrobo¬ 
rated by numerous incidents and historical facts in the traditional 
leg-ends of the family, about 471 years before the time of the 
g-reat Vikramadita, and about the time of Kyroo (Cyrus) and 
his vast and great conquests,* at which period a great 
commotion and stir seems to have been excited throughout 
all Ind or Hind, and bold adventurers to have been enticed 
from different parts of the far South and East:—about this 


* Numerous native traditions and fables speak of the wars of Kyroo, and by all 
those accounts he may be supposed to have extended his conquests somewhat more 
eastward than the Indus. We may appropriate some of the native names of his 
successors as follows:—Cyrus, B. C. 536, Kyroo Badsha ; Cambyses, B. C. 529, 
Kome Badsha; Smerdis, one of the magi, B. C. 523, Moordoo; Darius, son of 
Hystaspes, Daroo Badsha; Xerxes the Great, B. C. 486, Keevoo or Keroon;— 
Artaxerxes,B. C. 665, unmentioned. Xerxes 2nd, B. C. 424, unmentioned; Sogdianus, 

B. C. 424 ; Sooje Badsha ; Ochus or Darius the Bastard, B. C. 423, Daroo Nauk, 
or Na Hok ; Artaxerxes Ochus, B. C. 405, unmentioned; Arses or Arsames, B 

C. 306, unmentioned; Darius Codomanus, B. C. 336, Daroo Shuko or Shukust,being 
beaten and conquered by Alexander or Secunder Badsha, B. C. 334. 





220 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS y 


period two Rajpoot brothers, Boogjoo heroes,* emigrated 
with their families and followers (about forty in number) 
from a small village called Oopa or Oop, the original here¬ 
ditary jaghire of their family, and in the vicinity of the 
present Oude. Some family dissensions appear to have been 
the main cause of this emigration, and a fortune-seeking and 
adventurous spirit seems to have induced them to leave their 
paternal home and make their way towards the North West, 
then the supposed scene of strife and a promising’ field 
for the heroic adventurer. On their way thither, they, 
while performing their devotions at the holy Ganges, were 
advised by some astrologers (Jothusliee and Nejume pundits) 
that they should proceed on their route to the banks of the 
second next large river they should meet with. Thus they 
crossed the Jumna, and seem to have met with opportunities suffi¬ 
cient to induce them to settle on the east banks of the Sutlej, 
where those two brothers, the elder named Bajoo Sirb, and 
the younger Dulleep, formed a kind of settlement in some dense 
jungles. However, it was not long before they disagreed, so 
as to induce the younger, Dulleep, to leave the elder; and 
he is supposed to have, at this juncture, crossed the river, 
and with his own family and a few followers, to have settled 
in the present Punjaub. From this date or period there is 
no further notice of Bajoo Sirb left on record, except some 


* It must be supposed that in those ages, there were different kinds of soldiers 
and weapons, and the heroes were called after their different weapons,—thus the 
Boogjoo warrior was he who could wield in battle the heavy Boogjoo or mallett, at 
present in native use only among wrestlers. The Moon or Moonghy is still different 
from the Boogjoo or Goorj, &c. The Goorg or Goorj was he that could wield 
the heavy mace in battle. There were several kinds of Goorj, from the heavy and 
large headed mace—iron and metal imitations of which may be at present seen 
among natives, down to the lat’h or iron-headed dong or bludgeon, at present 
in use among natives, dhe Kumannee is perfectly out of use except in ripe grain 
fields, where the sling is now only used to frighten away birds, &c. The 
Tereendauz or archer is in some parts as yet to be seen with his poisoned 
rrows, as about Kukka Bumba, Kaabaan, &c. &c. 



A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 221 

slight and faint hints that he was the founder of the present 
much-famed Rajwara dynasty, or the supposed head and founder 
of the Joudpore and Jeypore families. Dulleep is said to 
have served as a soldier (or Boogjoo hero) under Rajah Seenoo 
of the principality and fortress of Rhahuk (supposed to be 
the site of the present Sull, or Seealkote*) and possessed then 
by a Hindoo tribe or race called Rhahauks or Rauks; not the 
Kokuss or the famed giants so called, but their supposed des¬ 
cendants. An immemorial hatred caused a long and continued 
series of feuds between the Rhahauks and Khaundores,f the 
then mighty princes forming the N. W. barrier of India, and in 
those feuds Dulleep and his Rajpoot successors gained both 
fame and credit, and were the renowned Boogjoo-daurs of the 
Rhahauk faction. 

Thus passed six generations or 180 years, and the lineal 
descendants thus:—Dulleep 1st or founder ; 2nd, his son 
Dehu Chund; 3rd, Sooruj Ther; 4th, Bridd Bull; 5th, 
Purin Ther; 6th, Therm Kurn. Some short space after 
the death of the last mentioned, Therm Kurn, great con¬ 
sternation and excitement was caused throughout all India, 
and especially in the present Punjaub, and in all the Rhahauk 
states, by the victorious advance of the invading Unan forces, 
and their renowned chief Sekunder (then by the Hindoos ge¬ 
nerally called Oondroo and sometimes Koohoondroo) who 
after a series of rapid successes seems to have ultimately formed 
a standing camp, or became stationary on the west banks of the 
Abba or Baba Sceen or Sceend (Indus) and just in the centre 


* Raja Sull, he that is said to have built the present Sull Kote or Sealkote, was 
a Rhahauk Chief and Prince, and his descendant Rajah, Resaollah, who lived about 
the latter end of the last century, was, or is supposed to have been, the last of that 
race of princes. He at one time conquered as far as the Indus. 

+ The Khaundores were ultimately driven from the country and afterwards settled 
about the present Candahar, which it is said they founded, and the place took its name 
from that race. 



22*2 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS: — 


of the Khaundore territories, whose three great seats of govern¬ 
ment were then, the first or greatest at the present Maa Buun, 
a great mountain on the west bank, and twenty miles north 
east of the fort of Attock; the second at Khond or Khaund, for¬ 
merly a great city, as yet to be seen, about twelve or fifteen miles 
north or north west of Panahthaur, all curiously cut out of 
the solid rock into caves and apartments of different kinds, round 
and all over a large mountain of bare black flinty rock, and its 
present extent and circumference may be said to exceed 4 or 4 j 
miles. The third was Dlieroo or Droogh, (the present Gund-e- 
ghur, a large mountain, and to this day an obstinate stronghold 
held by the Gundaghurries, on the east bank, and just to the 
east of the town or village of Hazeroo. Besides these there were 
several other but smaller principalities and strongholds of the 
Khaundores. The Khaundores conceived that they could not act 
better than to enter into a close alliance with Koondroo or 
Koohoondroo, and by this alliance they hoped to crush, or usurp 
the power of their eastern enemies, the Rhahauks, Gethes and 
Nazoos,* whose country and numerous wandering hordes were 
the southern and south-western neighbours of the Rhahauks or 
southerly or south westerly Punjaub, and their wild tracts, with 
some few exceptions, extended to the sea (Beloochistan) and were 
always in friendly alliance with the northerly Rhahauks, and 
though much more numerous, a wild and wandering race, were 
mostly graziers, shepherds, &c. and acknowledged a kind of 
supremacy in the heroic lords of Rhahauk. The Gethes were 
plunderers and wanderers, and the present Jat may be suppos¬ 
ed to be the descendant of the Nazoos and Gethes, roving shep¬ 
herds that inhabited and wandered along the different banks of 


* The Nazoos and Gethes were the supposed aborigines of the Punjaub, and the 
present Jum Loke or inhabitant herdsmen and shepherds, with the Gudgers of the 
lower jungles, maybe supposed to be their descendants. The Jats, who always 
intermarry with the Gudgers, may be considered of the same race; and perhaps their 
appellation Jat may be a corruption of the former Geth or G6te. 



A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 223 


the five rivers; or they may seem the forefathers of the present 
Sep aide, or the famed Kurls and the wandering Junn, and all 
those called or coming under the denomination of Barr Loke— 
all or most of whom to this day just lead the same kind of life 
as did the former Nazoos and Gethes, and may he said to be 
still the most able and active race in the Punjaub. 

To return to the subject, the son of Therm Kurn, Arathunge 
Kurn, under his leader, Rajah Maanaa or Mahnahook, distin¬ 
guished himself by many feats of valour, and much blood was 
spilt on both sides in defending their country and resisting 
the invaders who had sent at different times large bodies of 
troops from the Indus to invade the Rhahauk territory. 
The east boundary of the Rhahauk country was the Sutlej, 
and its west the Jhelum—or the low range of hills on 
which the present fort of Rhotas stands, where the Khaun- 
dores joined it;—on the north the mountain range, and on 
the south the Nazoo wilds and wastes, whose northern 
bounds may be considered about the present Amenabad, 
Lahore, Kussoor, Gujerawalla, and Guzerat. However the 
Rhahauks were, by the numerous and powerful attacks of their 
allied enemies, obliged to give way, and at this juncture it was 
to them a happy circumstance that by the arrival of three 
different great and powerful princes at different periods from 
the east and south, their country was partially saved, and a 
strong check put on the advance of the invading army. How¬ 
ever their cavalry were still accustomed to scour the coun¬ 
try as far as even the very gates of Rhahauk. But ulti¬ 
mately all this and Mahnahook’s dread of their presence subsi¬ 
ded on the arrival from the far east of, it is said, 30,000 Gooij- 
berdaurs and Boogjoods, chiefly mounted on buffaloes, with 
a like number of Teerendauz, chiefly mounted on elephants, 
and a numerous body of slingers (Kummanees), spearmen, 
&c. &c. and all headed in person by the great Porso or 
Phorso, supposed chief or Rajah of Adjudea, a great, pow- 


224 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS J— 


erful and warlike prince of a large dominion in the far 
east. Now, with this great reinforcement, the whole army 
as it was encamped on the east bank of the Chenaub, and a 
day’s march from the fort of Rhaliauk (at the present Kooloowall- 
ke-puttun) amounted to about 200,000 fighting men, and the 
entire number, followers and all, would exceed 500,000. It 
was not long before Secunder, assisted by the Khaundores and 
several other tribes, advanced from the Indus to give battle, but 
his force altogether fell somewhat short of the number of his 
opponents, while his own countrymen, or all the foreigners, did 
not ammout to above 50,000. Now the tract between the Che¬ 
naub and Jhelum, or about the present Gujerat, Minore, Doulut- 
anuggur, and certain other spots, where many coins, relics, 
&c., are as yet to be found, became the scene of many bloody 
skirmishes and actions, all which tended to drive the invader 
to the west bank of the Jhelum ; where now Secunder had con¬ 
centrated all his forces on the heights of the Rhotas range, and 
along its east base, while the Indian army proudly pitched 
its large camp on the east'bank in the hilly tract and broken 
ground that runs east of the village of Quarr. It was not 
long before Secunder gave battle by crossing at or a little 
below the present Quarr-ka-puttun, with numerous boats he had 
collected and newly made (said to be 5,000 in number) and 
though he did not effectually rout the Indian army, still they 
were driven back and disheartened so as to allow him not long 
after to take most of his troops along with him, and to march 
and sail down the river. He however left, unprotected and unpro¬ 
vided for, about 10,000 of his own Greek troops encamped as a 
rear guard or reserve on the west bank of the Indus, where his 
fixed and entrenched camp had been, about where the fort of 
Oud or Ode now stands, and, where many vestiges of it may be 
found in the bed and on the west bank of the stream. It 
may be supposed that Secunder was somehow anxious to retreat, 
and perhaps his proceeding down the river was only in fulfilment 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 226 


of a clause in some conditional treaty. He took most of his 
boats, and part of his troops lined each bank of the river, while 
he is said in a manner to have forgotten his unfortunate follow¬ 
ers, the nine or ten thousand men left on the west bank of the 
Scindor Indus. However this may be, on his retreat the atten¬ 
tion of the Indian army was called towards this small body of 
Greek troops, who had among them all the sick and weakly, or 
those that were unable to attend their leader down the Jhelum. 
Soon, therefore, this body of his troops was attacked and routed, 
the greater part of them flying in the direction of the city of 
Khaundore, and thence northward towards the snowy range, 
which they entered, and whence they are supposed never to 
have returned. Some of them retreated into Kafiristan, and in 
this country under the different names of Seer Post or Posht, 
&c. the present descendants of this unfortunate relic of the 
Greek army may be supposed to exist; while all those that were 
scattered in various directions at that period, and those that 
became intimate with and mixed with the natives by intermar¬ 
riages, &c. are those which now may be supposed to go under 
the well known name of Gukkers. 

Arethunge Kurn, in the seventh generation from Dulleep* 
is said to have been killed in some of those bloody en¬ 
gagements ) and now his son Keerut Kurn, the eighth, 
left the service, of the Rhahauks, and his posterity down 
to the twenty-eighth generation followed their warlike occupa¬ 
tion, and served under different masters, but always in or 
about the Punjaub. The twenty-eighth Bija Sing or Bija 
Ther, who is said to have lived about the year 369 of Vikra- 
madita, is put down as the first who settled in the hills about 
the present Noorpoor, while himself and the male part of 
his family served under different chiefs in the Punjaub. But 
henceforward the Rajpoots collected their families, and formed 
a small colony at or near Noorpoor, in the hills north of Lahore. 


F F 


22 6 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS \ — 


Sooruj Dehu, the fiftieth in succession, lived about the year 1009 
of Vikramadita, and was but a lad of about ten years old when 
his father died, and a young man of about twenty when, as 
tradition says, on the second day of the month of Ramjaun in 
the year 271 of the Hejira, Sultan Mahomed (commonly called 
the Ghuzneewalla) fought a bloody engagement, close to 
the walls of Ghuznee, thereby deciding the fate of that 
fortress, which in a few days after fell into his hands. Mun 
Bown, Envoy from the Sirhind court, was then (with about forty 
followers, mostly Rajpoots) on a mission to different Hindoo 
Rajahs (Authush and Pruth and Prest) then reigning in that 
quarter ; and actually Mun Bown and one of his followers were 
all that returned to Sirhind alive, the rest having been cut up 
or made prisoners in the general massacre at Ghuznee, being 
then and there present. 

The capture of this famed fortress struck terror into all the 
chiefs and people around, as it was from days immemorial 
considered impregnable. It was believed (as tradition had it) 
to have been originally built by a great Deuh (giant) called 
Kalior or Nauhour who was said to have come there from 
the far west, some thousands of years before, and who is 
perhaps the same as Chedorlaomer,* supposed first prince 
of Persia, and cotemporary of Abraham, B.C. 1915. But in 
after ages the walls being greatly shaken and partly demo¬ 
lished by an earthquake, it is said to have been rebuilt (about 
2000 years before the time of Sultan Mahomed) by Rajah Kuss, 
Rash, Kishna, or Kussna, but commonly afterwards called 
Kizu or Guzu, and from whom the place ultimately took its pre¬ 
sent name of Ghuznee. This prince was an Autushprest or fire 
worshipper, and his territory extended from the sea in the south, 
to a month’s march beyond the great snow ranges of the present 


• More probably Nahor the brother of Abraham.— Ed. 




A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 227 

Hindoo Koosli—and from the Indus in the east to the Tigris in the 
west; and this great Empire, though afterwards much cur¬ 
tailed, and brought down to the state of a small principality, 
still in some manner existed until the time of Cyrus. However, 
Kuss or Kish is supposed to have rebuilt this fort, and the walls, 
or their remnants, as they stood in the time of Sultan Mahomed, 
are said to have been 10 musaatheir high (ten mens’ height) and 
15 \ hat’h broad (7f yards) at top, built of immense blocks of 
stone cut and properly faced. 

The Sultan’s forces made many unsuccessful attempts to 
reduce and subdue the neighbouring princes around, especially 
those of Nire (supposed to be the present Logurut) Rajnah (the 
present Rajgull) Lugh (or the present Lughman) and Oorcli— 
a large fortress, near the site of the present Cabul. The 
chief of the last mentioned place was a Rajah Oorg or Urj (pro¬ 
perly, perhaps, Urgin) who as well as most of the chiefs around 
was a fireworsliipper. However, after a long series of campaigns, 
Sultan Mahomed succeeded in subduing the country as far 
as Lughman and the places before mentioned, with the 
exception of the strong hold held by Urj or Urgin, who ob¬ 
stinately stood out and kept himself independent until about 
the year of the Hejira 392, when Sultan Mahomed (it is 
supposed at the instigation and invitation of some of Urgin’s 
relatives and friends who had betrayed him) was induced 
to send one of his Generals, Abdul Rulieem, with a large 
force to reduce that now last remaining fortress. The site 
of the fort was on the summit of one of the hills, and near 
where stands the present Balia Hissar. After some hard 
fighting on both sides, Urgin and his followers were com¬ 
pelled to shut themselves up in the fort, where after some days 
they were so reduced as to be compelled at last to agree to all 
Abdul Ruheem’s terms. Among these, the first was that 
the Rajah himself should embrace the Moslem faith and be- 


228 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS;- 


come the dependant of Sultan Mahomed. Though repug¬ 
nant to all this, Urgin agreed to it, on condition that he 
should retain his former station, with his fortress and princi¬ 
pality. Matters being thus so far settled, the Sultan was 
written to for advice by his Wuzeer, and in a few days a laconic 
answer was received, that as the Kaffir has been qubool , so he 
might now be Qubool Shah. Thus this chief was henceforward 
by the Moslems called Qubooll Shah; and in course of time the 
Mahomedans took care to do away with the former name, and 
in its stead called the city and fort itself, Qubool or Kubool, 
or, as at present, Cabul. These and some other such facts have 
been by tradition, as in the present instance, brought down 
to the present day, most likely to commemorate and cor¬ 
roborate the traditional story of the cruel death of the Raj¬ 
poot, Sooruj Deliu, (the fiftieth in the line of ancestry, and 
son of Bujer Ther) and the determined conduct of his heroic 
wife, commonly called Neila Ranee. The best of those tra¬ 
ditions says, that Sooruj or Surj Dehu, leaving his son and 
family behind him in the Punjaub, was induced to visit 
Rajnauth (Rajgull) probably in search of employment. How¬ 
ever he was there taken prisoner by Abdul Shureeff Khan, son 
to Abdul Ruheem, about twelve or fourteen months previous to 
the fall of Cabul; and though he was put to all sorts of torture, 
still he obstinately refused to embrace the Moslem creed. 
Shureeff Khan, therefore, ordered him (as an example and to 
terrify others of the same mind) to be enclosed in a strong cage, 
and thus hung up near Rajgull. Thus caged, he was by a 
certain treatment made to linger out a wretched existence for 
twelve or fourteen months; during which space the news of his 
sad fate reached the ears of his faithful wife, then residing in 
some humble capacity near the present Noorpoor. Neila 
quickly resolved to proceed to her husband and either save or 
perish with him. Sutteeism has been always considered as a 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 229 


rite to be strictly observed by all true Rajpoots females. So she, 
with two younger brothers and a female attendant, set off on her 
pilgrimage, and arrived at Rajgull, where she saw her husband 
in his cage, only the shadow of what he had been, a mere 
skeleton fit to inspire terror and dismay. All he could mutter 
out to his beloved wife was to tell her in a dismal and horrified 
yet resolute tone, that he expected to linger but a few days 
more. She then proceeded towards Oorcli or Cabul, where 
both Shureeff Khan and his father were busily engaged in 
operations against the place. But the pilgrims had not pro¬ 
ceeded far before news of the fall of Oorch reached them, and 
shortly after, the return of Shureeff Khan to Rajgull induced 
them likewise to retrace their steps. At this moment, all 
Neila’s hope and expectation was merely to obtain an interview 
with this Moslem chief, and to soften his heart so as to 
obtain the release of her husband. However, immediately on 
the return of Shureeff Khan, and before she had an opportunity 
to put her resolution into effect, Sooruj was dragged forth by 
order of the Khan, and in the very presence of his wife placed 
still living in a pit where a pillar of strong stone masonry was 
built close around him, leaving only the head or part of it ex¬ 
posed. All this was done in the presence of the disconsolate but 
then silent wife, who is said to have been seemingly one of the 
most unaffected and apathetic spectators of the scene. How¬ 
ever, Sooruj Deliu in a few hours breathed his last, still refusing 
to comply with the wishes of Shureeff Khan, who not only perso¬ 
nally attended, but even to the last did his utmost to induce or 
compel his obstinate victim to change his resolution. But up 
to this moment, and even afterwards, it was unknown to 
Shureeff and those around him, that the Rajpoot’s wife or any 
of his family were then present. 

That very day, Neila with the help of her brothers (but 
unknown to any one else) contrived to form a funeral pile 


✓ 230 THE LORDS OF THE HILLS;— 

of the driest materials procurable, opposite and close to the 
spot where her husband’s corpse was now entombed in the 
pillar. Every thing having been thus privately got in 
order, she warned her brothers to secrete themselves for some 
short period near the pile, while she with her female com¬ 
panion departed, under pretence of ablution at some holy 
stream or fountain in the vicinity. She thus left her brothers 
in charge of the pile, while she by some wily policy and 
under some proper guise, contrived to be introduced to 
the presence, and in no small degree to attract the attention, 
of the licentious and unwary Shureeff. The fascinating, win¬ 
ning, yet simple and graceful part which she acted, aided 
by personal charms and attractions proverbial even to this day, 
and all set of by a well-assumed female hauteur, a particular 
reserved, lofty air, seen only in females of the highest rank, 
gained so far on the unworthy Shureeff that even on their 
first and introductory acquaintance, a private interview was 
appointed; and on the night of the second day after the 
death of Sooruj Dehu, Shureeff Khan proceeded, unattended as 
agreed on, to meet the unknown fair one. The heroic Neila, 
anxiously yet coolly watching her opportunity, soon found 
means to consummate the bloody deed on which she had re¬ 
solved by plunging deep in the heart of her enemy a Katav 
which she had procured and kept concealed for the purpose. 
So mortal and true was the heroine’s blow that Shureeff Khan 
never rose or even made any resistance to his fair murderess, 
who actually leaving the Kcitar (a curious kind of native 
poignard) deep sunk in his heart, instantly, with more than 
even a masculine intrepidity and coolness, severed the head 
from the body, and quickly yet silently issuing forth, flung it 
at the feet of her murdered lord. She then with blood-stained 
hands and covered with gore, the marks of victory and suc¬ 
cess, quickly repaired to her brothers at the pile, where now 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 231 


(all proud of the glorious deed) affairs were so quickly managed 
that before the morning dawned, and even before the Moslem 
chief’s death was discovered, the dead corpse of Sooruj Dehu 
was extracted from its recent position, and underwent the 
ceremony of incremation ; while the faithful and heroic wife, 
having so well avenged the blood of her lord, now felt doubly 
happy and proud in sacrificing herself on the same pile with 
the murdered body of him for whom she had staked her honour 
and her all. Their ashes, in charge of her brothers, and ac¬ 
cording to her own orders, were before morning far from the 
scene of these deeds, on the way homeward, or to the Gunga, 
where ultimately those of both husband and wife were sacredly 
deposited. 

The date of this tradition is put down at about 392 of the 
Hejira, and now the line of succession is resumed at the 
51st member, the son of Sooruj Dehu, named Boje Dehu, 
52d Oodum Dehu, 53d Peler Dehu, 54th Urjin Dehu, 55th 
Ootliar Dehu, 58th Jess Dehu, who had two sons, the elder 
Kirpal Dehu, and the younger Singram Dehu, these were the 
59th generation. As it has been before stated, most or all 
of the Rajpoot families made a kind of temporary settlement 
near the base of the hills, somewhere in the niglibourhood of 
Noorpoor. But from some unknown cause, about the year 
589 of the Hejira, these two brothers the sons of Jess Dehu, 
left that quarter, where there seems to have been a general 
breaking up or emigration, as the Rajpoots were scattered in 
different directions. Both Kirpal Dehu and Singram Dehu 
with some others of the family fought under the banners 
of the 588 much famed Raat Pithoura at the battle of Thanessur, 
and on their return to their homes, in the following year this 
small Rajpoot colony about Noorpoor, &c. broke up and became 
scattered in different quarters. 


232 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS J— 


It was at this time that one of the distant branches of the 
family settled in Chumba and another about or at Teera-Kangra. 
The first of these is called now the Chummiall Rajpoot, the second 
the Katochee family ; and other members of the house became 
the founders of different principalities at present known by 
divers names, such as Patancote, Mandote, Seeba, Samba, Jesro- 
ta, &c. while the two principal or head members of the family 
wandered for some time in search of a proper and suitable place 
of rest for their families. Ultimately Kirpal Dehu and his 
brother Singram Dehu settled in the then tliickly-wooded and 
almost uninhabited hills of Dhahman, and about the spot where 
the present fort of Bhow stands. This occurrence is put down at 
about 591 of the Hejira, or three years after their return from 
the battle of Thanessur. These hills were then but a wild, 
mountainous, thickly-wooded tract, very thinly peopled by a 
few Meghs, a poor race of low caste, and by yet fewer of a 
Hindoo race called Tukkers. But these hills, though wild, 
still afforded good pasturage, which was enticement sufficient to 
ensure the annual visits of the northern and eastern Ghaddees,— 
herdsmen and shepherds who generally live in and about the 
snowy ranges, north of Chumba, Kistowar, &c. and who were 
then a bold, independent and wandering race, who for ages 
past had been in the habit of proceeding with their flocks and 
families to the southern and milder parts, and to pass the severity 
of winter grazing their numerous flocks of sheep, goats, &c. 
in the hills now described. A long continued animosity existed 
between the bold and hardy hill shepherds and their neighbours, 
the poor and helpless Meghs, and each year’s visit only brought 
on a new succession of quarrels and sometimes bloody affrays 
The Ghaddees in their annual visits monopolized and partly 
destroyed the best pasture spots, and even sometimes encroached 
on the small tillage fields of the Meghs, who, too weak openly 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 233 


to resist, soug’lit to avenge themselves and their wrongs by 
nightly thefts and attacks, in which they carried off the 
wives and children of their enemies, whom they usually 
sold afterwards in the Punjaub, &c. But the wild herdsmen 
always with fury, bloodshed and desolation, revenged these 
barbarities. Such was the state of the hills when these two 
brothers came among the Meghs, and chose the place near 
Bhow for their future residence. This poor and hitherto un¬ 
protected race were soon brought to consider the Rajpoot set¬ 
tlement among them in the light of a blessing, and as a token of 
the favour of Heaven; and they willingly acknowledged their 
claim to the title of lords and masters. The Rajpoot com¬ 
munity, including the families of both brothers, numbered onty 
about twenty persons ; but still their very name seems to 
have become a terror to the Ghaddees, who were brought 
by the superior prowess and policy of the Rajpoots to enter 
into certain agreements and conditions, and to respect the 
rights of the now protected Meghs. Thus in course of time 
all animosity between these tribes was partly lost and for¬ 
gotten, until the Rajpoot race grew so strong and numerous 
that at last even the very Ghaddees were obliged for their own 
security to acknowledge the superiority and power of the new 
colony, whom they in a few years were constrained to look on 
in^the light of their temporary masters. However about the 
year .of the Hejira G02, or nine years after their arrival, 
these two brothers are said, for some unknown reason, but most 
likely for their mutual interest, aggrandizement, and power, to 
have separated. The elder, Kirpal Dehu, remained at or near 
the present site of Bhow, where he had erected some huts 
with thatched roofs; while his younger brother erected a small 
habitation of the same kind on the opposite hill to the west, 
and just on the opposite bank of the small stream, called the 

G G 


234 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS;— 


Thovee, which divides the two hills, on the site of the present 
Jummoo, the places being less than a mile apart. Thus were the 
seeds of the present great and promising Hill principality 
sown, and thus those two brothers and their descendants slowly 
but steadily became Lords of the Hills and of those around them. 

The 58th in the line of succession of the Jummoo or 
Jumwall family was the son of Singram Dehu, the elder 
branch, or that of Kirpal Dehu, being called the Bhow family, 
of which mention will be made hereafter in its proper place, 
The sixty-third chief of the family was the great Mai Dehu, 
who was the eldest of nine sons of Jey Dehu, and lived about 
the year 1389 of Vikramadita, or, as is mentioned, 749 of the 
Hejira, and is supposed to have been contemporary with Timor or 
Timorlung , Timor the Lame. He was the first of the family 
who had ever in those parts aspired to the title of Rajah. For 
this purpose he is said to have taken a large stone (of about 
half a ton weight, and to be seen at the present day) from the 
bed of the stream that flowed round the hill on which his hum¬ 
ble habitation stood, and thence carried this immense weight in 
his arms, up the steep paths to his home, wdiere at a suitable 
spot he laid it down. Then collecting thither all his kinsmen 
and relatives on his side of the Tliovee (then supposed to be 
about 500 in number) he, in the presence of these and of the 
neighbouring Meghs, was unanimously declared Rajah, by his 
own brotherhood and the people of all the hill territory, from the 
Thovee, westward to the Chenaub, an extent of about fourteen 
or fifteen miles of a wild hill tract, and then very thinly inha¬ 
bited. He was now formally installed, and the ceremony was 
enacted, while he proudly sat on the huge block of stone, 
which was thenceforward considered a most necessary point in 
the creation or installation of his successors. It was to the 
story of his having (by the will and favour of Heaven) carried 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 235 


this great fragment of rock the distance he is said to have done, 
that he owed his own title of Rajah.* Henceforward this 
Rajpoot colony was treated with greater respect by the country 
people around, while the Meghs and numerous other new¬ 
comers and temporary inhabitants, Hindoos, who had fled from 
the Moslem rule and emigrated from the Punjaub hither—all 
now looked up to the Rajpoot chief as their rightful lord, prince, 
and protector. 


* This will remind the reader of the famous stone so important in the coronation, 
of the Scottish Kings.— Ed. 




236 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS J— 


CHAPTER II. 

All the institutions and appendages necessary to a princely 
court and government were now called into requisition in the little 
state of Jummoo ; and though but little understood, still in this 
young and self-created principality, things and matters, as well as 
Rajahs themselves, must be allowed to go on in a rude, plain, 
simple manner of their "own. However, Mai Dehu seems to have 
known and heard sufficient of men and manners, king's and courts, 
to introduce and to make known and respected, his royal seal 
and signature. But he is said to have had in his princi¬ 
pality or at his court only one writer, who acted at once the 
part of Moonshee, Dewan and Wuzeer. He either knew little 
of or did not wish to establish any thing like an ASawlut or 
court of justice, so that he was in himself the sole judge and 
jury of the state. Leases of lands, grants, jaghires and tene¬ 
ments -were now legally and systematically drawn up and 
signed in his name, and in which he was entitled Sooij Bunse 
Rajah Maha Rajah Mai Dehu, (descendant of the son and 
rajah of rajahs) whose orders were to last for ever and ever, &c. 
&c. He was now able when occasion required to assemble 
round him three or four hundred armed followers; nor did he, 
with such instruments at his command, lose the opportunity of 
making himself known and dreaded all over the neighbouring 
lowlands, where by plunder and rapine, nightly inroads and 
surprises, the bufning of villages, with their sleepino- inhabi¬ 
tants, and other such acts, he showed that he little respect- 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 237 


ed and even defied the great Moslem power of tlie age. 
However, the disturbances of the times gave him and some 
of his descendants opportunities to ravage the lowlands on dif¬ 
ferent occasions for some forty or fifty coss. 

To Rajah Mai Dehu succeeded five generations of his des¬ 
cendants, whose reigns extended over a period of one hundred 
and fifty years. The last of these, Beeram Dehu, is said to 
have flourished about the year 1539 of Vikramadita, and was a 
contemporary of the Emperor Baber. This is ascertained from 
the following tradition and the occurrence which it records. 
The Cashmere fruit dallies (loads or baskets) having been 
more than once plundered on their way to the Court of 
Delhi by some of the numerous predatory clans and tribes 
then infesting and inhabiting different parts of the route, 
such as the Jelall tribe, at or about Rajouri, the Chib tribe 
at Bheembur, &c., a royal purwannah, signed and sealed by the 
Emperor Baber, was addressed to all the Zemindars, Ryuts, and 
inhabitants of the Dhaman Hills, in which district no Rajah 
was yet known or acknowledged at Delhi. The bearer of 
this order, perhaps not finding a more proper person in the 
range named, brought the purwannah to Jummoo and present¬ 
ed it to Rajah Beeram Dehu. The order was simply to act as 
Mooffzuth , or to afford an escort and safeguard to the fruit dallies 
coming from Cashmere and going to Delhi, for which service 
the persons addressed would be favourably regarded by the 
Court of Delhi. Beeram Dehu seemingly took this into his 
head as being a special compliment paid to himself personally by 
the great Baber; and he felt so proud of it that he took some 
three or four hundred armed men, and brought the fruit dallies 
safe through the dangerous passes, as far as *Gujerat or the 
Chenaub, Here he was informed by the Delhi officer that as now, 
by his good services, the fruit was safe for the Emperor, there was 
no further fear. This was a polite way of informing him that his 


238 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS ;- 


services were no further required, and that he might, with his fol¬ 
lowers, return to his home. However all the hints the Emperor’s 
officer could give were of no avail, as Rajah Beeram Deliu 
seemingly had some higher schemes in view; and all that the 
officer could do was to induce him to send back the greater part 
of his half-naked followers, whom he was told would make but a 
poor show at the Emperor’s court. Thus with about twenty-five 
followers, Rajah Beeram Dehu kept close to his charge of some 
fifteen dallies or loads of fruit, and with them he entered Delhi, 
where he was by the officer, his travelling companion, ultimately 
introduced to the court and presence of the Emperor. Beeram 
Dehu expected to meet somebody of but little higher rank 
and power than himself, and kept up his spirits on his long 
march with the idea that he was going to meet a kind of half 
brother, a Rajah something like himself;—that he would be re¬ 
ceived with open arms and be treated in every manner as an equal. 
Great, therefore, was his disappointment and chagrin on finding 
himself coolly received by the Emperor, who seeing the Hill-man 
and his train, all dressed much alike (some half naked, with 
only coarse dirty leather breeches) and the chief with but little 
to distinguish him from his followers, considered him and them 
entitled to but scant courtesy. Beeram Dehu did not let slip 
the opportunity of letting the proud Baber know, what he 
most likely never before suspected, that he too was a Rajah ; 
and as a proof of his assertion he recounted many feats of him¬ 
self and his predecessors, spoke much of his high rank, fame, 
and caste, and ultimately had the good fortune to receive a 
written acknowledgment of his dignity from the Emperor, who 
now humorously styled him Rajah. The Hill chief was so per¬ 
fectly satisfied with this, that he asked no more, and considering 
that he had attained the pinnacle of his ambition, he, with further 
promises from Baber, in case of good behaviour towards the 
lowlands of the Punjaub, in a few days left Delhi and the- 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 239 


Emperor’s court, to go and keep liis state at his own. There 
more important business awaited him; for on his arrival he 
found his little territory almost in open insurrection. He arrived, 
however, in time to prevent mischief, and the very sight and 
even mention of the great Baber’s seal and signature, was 
more than sufficient to quiet and put down all rebellious spirits. 
Henceforward the Rajah and his successors were treated as 
the allies of the mighty rulers of Hindostan. Beeram Dehu 
considering it but right to spread around him a just idea 
of his distinction and rank among princes, and to keep up 
and ensure a continuance of that friendship which should 
always exist between allied monarchs and princes, he yearly 
sent to the Court of Delhi, for Baber’s especial use, a well- 
stocked bag of wild walnuts, onions, &c.; and in one rare in¬ 
stance he is said to have gone so far as to send 101 head of 
goats. He seemed much perplexed and surprised (but perhaps 
was the only one that was so) at never receiving any return for 
either his presents of rare dainties or his earnest professions of 
friendship. 

Many such traditions and anecdotes of Beeram Dehu and 
his successors have been handed down, all tending to display 
their moral, social and political condition in their several gene¬ 
rations. It is now necessary, however, to pass over these 
almost purely traditional times and to come down at once 
nearer to the present day. It may therefore be briefly mentioned 
that to Beeram Dehu succeeded many generations of his 
descendents until we find the Rajahship vested in Drupe Dehu, 
who died about the year of the Christian era 1742. This chief 
had four sons, Runjeet Dehu, Kousar Dehu, Sooruth Sing 
and Bulw.unt Dehu. The first of these succeeded his father 
and died about the year 1780, when he was succeeded by his 
eldest son, Bijerei Dehu, who had rebelled against his father 
some years before the death of the latter. Bijerei Dehu died 


240 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS }- 


about 1786, leaving- an only son, who after reigning little more 
than a year died at the age of fourteen. On this Jey Sing, only 
s on of Delele Sing, a younger brother of Bijerei Sing*, became 
Rajah, and so continued until his death in 1809. On the occur¬ 
rence of this event his sons and family fled across the Sutlej ? 
leaving their territories to the Seiks, who retained possession 
thereof until the year 1818, when the present Golaub Sing, the 
eightieth in descent from the founder of the family, was made 
Rajah of Jummoo by Maharajh'Runjeet Sing. 

The second son of Drupe Dehu, was, as before mentioned, 
Kousar Dehu, whose lineal descendant and rightful heir is the 
present Meean Laub Sing. 

The third son of Drupe Dehu was Sooruth Sing, who had 
three sons, the 1st, Zorover Sing, 2nd, Meean Mota (who acted 
as Wuzeer to Jey Sing) and the 3rd Meean Jellah. The first of 
these, Zorover Sing, had an only son, Meean Kosour Sing, the 
father of the present Golaub Sing and his brethren. The second, 
Meean Mota, had one son, Bupe Sing, who died, leaving an only 
son, Bujer Dehu, a young man at present living, a poor depen¬ 
dant on the Lords of the Hills. The third, Meean Jellah, died 
without issue. 

The fourth son of Drupe Dehu, Bulwunt Sing, died without 
issue. 

Thus these eighty generations embrace a period of about 2371 
years, beginning about 527 before our era, and by computation 
about 29 \ years to each member, which may not be consi¬ 
dered too much, considering the plain simple life and generally 
moderate habits of the Rajpoot tribes. 

We now return to Rajah Runjeet Dehu, and commence a 
more minute relation of facts and incidents down to the present 
day. Runjeet Dehu was iborn about the year 1724, and 
was but a lad of eighteen, when his father, Rajah Drupe Dehu, 
died in 1742. Runjeet Dehu in a few years after his 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 241 


father’s death showed himself to be an able and active Hill 
chief; and certainly he was much more so than any of his 
predecessors, and did more for his family and tribe than did 
all the long line of Rajahs before him. It may be said, that 
he lived and reigned at a time when better opportunities were 
afforded bim; however, he remodelled the state, and all this 
much for the better, he instituted proper and wholesome 
regulations for the benefit of all classes, and by many like acts 
gained himself the name of a just chief. His reputation ex¬ 
tended even as far as Lahore, and numerous families from 
different quarters, including some persons of high rank and 
large fortune, fied to his territory and stronghold. Most of 
these brought with them the great bulk of their fortunes, while 
all their rights and persons were invariably respected and pro¬ 
tected. By this and such like means, in the year 1775, or 
five years before his death, the town of Jummoo had increased 
to about three miles and a half in circumference, being about 
twice as large as at the present day. Its inhabitants then 
numbered about 150,000 souls, more than four times as many 
as now inhabit the town. It was considered an opulent, 
wealthy, flourishing, and promising place, having for its resi¬ 
dents numerous wealthy men from the Punjaub. One of these 
alone is said to have brought with him upwards of a crore 
of rupees. Runjeet Dehu was certainly poor, but still he was 
able to commence the building of the present palace at Jum¬ 
moo, where in the time of his father some miserable huts 
stood, sufficing for the habitation of himself and his pre¬ 
decessors. Most of these huts were thatched with long grass, and 
termed chunns , and differed but little from the chuggees of the vil¬ 
lagers. It should be mentioned, that in the time of Drupe Dehu, 
the Bhow family, then in the height of its power, carried on a 
long and bloody war with its neighbours and kinsmen, the 
Jumwalls. On several occasions in the time of Drupe Dehu 
and his predecessor, the Jumwalls made nightly assaults on 


242 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS;— 


their neighbours, burnt their houses, carried off their cattle and 
murdered all those that fell into their hands. Such treatment 
roused the Bhows to inflict a heavy retaliation. Thus no less 
than seven different times in Drupe Dehu’s reign were the Jum- 
walls’ huts, and even those in which the Rajahs themselves resided, 
burnt to the ground, and the village made a desolate heap of 
smoking ruins and ashes. It was mostly for this reason that 
Jummoo was so thinly inhabited before the time of Runjeet Dehu, 
and that his father and his predecessors considered temporary 
huts the fittest for their own residence and that of their people. 
The fort of Bhow was commenced by Goolaub Dehu, in the 
beginning of Drupe Dehu’s reign, and ultimately finished 
by Rajah Runjeet Dehu, who not only pacified his inimical 
brethren, but ultimately reduced them to a state of sub¬ 
jection. 

About the year 1743, or a year after his father’s death, 
Rajah Runjeet Dehu commenced a desultory kind of warfare 
with the lowlands and the hilly tracts on the west, where he 
took several forts and in a manner conquered the country as 
far as the present Runjeet Ghur, where he built a temporary 
mud fort as his boundary to the south. In one or two instances 
he surprised and plundered the town of Seealkote,. and overran 
the country on both sides of the Chenaub as far as Gujerat. 
He even attacked the forts of Koolowal, Kotelee, Minore, Beje- 
wath, Oknoor and Reass, all on the banks or line of the river 
Chenaub, burnt the villages and left the rest to their fate. 
He almost put a stop to the communication between Cashmere 
and Lahore, and his troops or hill rangers often plundered and 
slew the Kassids and Hurkaras on their way between Lahore 
or Delhi, and Peshawur and Cabul, &c. He himself and his 
three brothers were continually and actively engaged in hostilities 
with the lowland people, and in the year 1745 they mustered 
a force of about 1,000 matchlocks. 

In the year 1746, the general consternation and confusion 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 243 


consequent on the first Affghan invasion, materially assisted 
Runjeet Dehu in forwarding his ambitious views. During that 
year and the two following, he made himself at least nominal 
master of all the forts, ghurrees, and strongholds abovemention- 
ed ; and his band was now reinforced by numerous Hindoo 
emigrants and refugees from the Punjaub, who fled with their 
families through fear of Ahmed Shah. In 1747 he plundered 
a Kafila or Caravan, with about 100,000 rupees worth of Push- 
meena, going from Cashmere to Lahore for Meer Munnoo, who 
wrote to and remonstrated with Rajah Runjeet on this and other 
like acts but to no avail. However, in the latter end of 1748, or 
the beginning of 1749, he seems to have been so closely pressed 
by his Bhow brethren (they being the descendants of the elder 
branch of the family, Kapoor Dehu, who always claimed 
superiority) that he was induced to visit Lahore, in hopes of 
having this family quarrel properly adjusted; he previously 
having received some promises and invitations from the Lahore 
Court. But he had no sooner presented himself at the durbar 
than he was put in irons, and kept a close prisoner in 
one of the vaults or dungeons within the fort or citadel of 
Lahore. During his absence Kousar Dehu, the next eldest 
brother, acted as the Rajah of Jummoo. Rajah Runjeet re¬ 
mained a close prisoner at Lahore until the year 1760. 
In his absence Kousar Dehu was but slightly respected by 
his. own clan of Jumwalls, while his enemies the Bhows daily 
gained strength and made several successful attacks upon the 
tribe. During this time they burnt, four or five different times, 
the chug gees and chunns or huts of Jummoo, there not being 
even at this period a brick or stone built house in the place. 
Runjeet Dehu’s imprisonment and absence helped to increase 
and ferment the old broils and feuds between these two branches 
of the family residing close in the vicinity of each other. 

Nothing worthy of particular notice occurred until the year 
1760, when Rajah Runjeet Dehu not only obtained his release 


244 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS; — 


but also gained the good will and favour of the governor of La¬ 
hore. It appears that the Bhow Sirdars or Rajpoot chiefs of the 
time, Komul Dehu, Budj Dehu, and Gool Dehu, had entered into 
close alliance with the Seik chief, Churuth Sing, the grand-father 
of Runjeet Sing, and by this intrigue they incurred the dis¬ 
pleasure of Adeena Beg, then governor of Lahore, who threaten¬ 
ed their destruction. Kousar Dehu, his brothers, and their 
party found opportunities to increase this hostile feeling of the 
Lahore Court towards the Bhow faction. It happened that about 
this time two Mahomedan chiefs, Bahadoor Khan and Affzull Beg, 
were sent by the Court of Delhi to Lahore and the N. W. parts 
of the Punjaub, to purchase some Toorkistan horses, *and to look 
after and report on the state of that soubah. About the year 
1760, these two officers were at Lahore as Acting Governors, 
when a famous horse arrived there, which they had procured 
from Toorkistan, and for which they are said to have paid forty- 
eight thousand rupees in ready money. However, no one then 
about the Lahore Court could be found bold or skilful enough 
to train or ride this fiery steed. On this the long-imprison¬ 
ed Rajah Runjeet Dehu, being well known as a most able and 
daring horseman, was brought forth from his dungeon, his 
fetters were knocked off, and he was instructed as to the 
duty imposed on him to break in the untamed steed. 

The mountain chief gladly undertook the task, and such was 
the skill and courage which he brought to bear upon it, that 
in an incredibly short time, the wild and unmanageable horse 
became gentle and tractable under his hands. It must not 
be supposed that those who kept the Hill Rajah in custody, 
entrusted him with such a means of making his escape as the 
possession of this fleet steed afforded, without taking precautions 
for preventing his availing himself of it. To this end they 
would not trust him to exercise the horse outside the fort, 
but kept him within the walls, causing him to perform his 
task in the enclosed area of the Ilazooree Bagh. At this 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 245 


time the Ravee washed the north and west angles of the fort, 
and as it partially served as a defence on this side, the walls 
there were not more than six or seven feet high. One day 
while Runjeet Dehu, on the noble steed which he had so com¬ 
pletely subdued to his will, was careering about the Hazooree 
Bagh, exciting the wonder and admiration of a crowd of 
spectators, he suddenly wheeled about,—charged at the six feet 
wall,—cleared it, alighting in the deep stream of the river that 
ran beneath. For a moment horse and rider sunk;—for an 
instant they were seen on the opposite bank,—and then they 
were off and away. A thousand cavalry were soon on the track 
of the fugitive, but mounted as he was, their pursuit was vain. 
A reward of twenty thousand rupees was proclaimed for any 
one who should recover the gallant steed,—the recapture of 
his rider being, in comparison with this, hardly worth a 
thought. But Runjeet Deliu and the good horse were away 
to the hills, and ere the day had passed, the chieftain stood 
amidst his family at Jummoo. Scarcely, however, had he 
received their embraces and congratulations than, to their grief 
and astonishment, he set forth on his return to Lahore, where 
about forty hours after his departure he again presented him¬ 
self to those who had given up all hope of seeing him or the 
animal which he bestrode. He had been seized, he said, 
with a sudden desire to try the speed of the horse and to pay a 
short visit to his home, and having accomplished his purpose, 
again committed himself and his steed to the hands of their 
keepers. It is gratifying to have to read that the Mussulman 
chiefs appreciated the conduct of the brave and honorable 
hill-man sufficiently to induce them to grant him his liberty. In 
further token of favour a reward of twenty thousand rupees 
was bestowed upon him, he was invested with a khilut , and 
received a written acknowledgment of his rank as Rajah 
of Jummoo, and furthermore was escorted back to his prin¬ 
cipality by a body of eight hundred cavalry, charged with 


246 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS ;— 


the task of reinstating him in all his rights and possessions. 
Under such auspices and so assisted, Rajah Runjeet Dehu 
speedily quelled his enemies of the Bhow faction, and even 
compelled the members of that branch of the family to come 
in and reside under his rule at Jummoo. Here he established 
for them a separate Mundee or Court of Justice, which to 
this day is known as the Kull Mundee or Lower Court, 
the lower part of the hill having been assigned for the 
residence of the Bhow people. But few descendants of that 
family, however, are now distinguishable from the general 
population of Jummoo. Among these may be mentioned 
Meean Sumba and his family, and the Khona Chuck family, 
so called from the place of that name which they received as 
a jaghire. Of this family also were Durga Sing and his brother 
Arbela Sing. The first of these left two sons, the eldest 
of whom, Rae Kisseree Sing fell gallantly fighting by the 
side of his master, Rajah Suchet Sing. Arbela Sing had three 
sons, Pirthee Sing, Jewahir Sing, and Balloo Sing’, the last 
of whom was killed with Rae Kisseree Sing. These were 
some of the members of and descendents from the Bhow 
branch of the Jummoo family. 

Thus the fort and town of Bhow came into the hands of Rajah 
Runjeet Dehu, and the people of that branch of the tribe 
became subject to his authority. He repaired the fort, and 
to the people he gave grants of land on the Jummoo side of 
the Thovee, in lieu of those which they had held beyond the 
boundary stream. 

From the year 1761 down to 1773, nothing worthy of 
note occurred in the little principality, except that during this 
period Rajah Runjeet built for himself and family a large 
house or palace on the foundations which had been laid 
by his father. It may also be noted that the fame of his mild 
and just sway having spread far and wide, many people from 
the lower districts of the Punjaub and elsewhere came to 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 247 


settle in his territories. He had also, during this period, 
extended his dominions by the conquest of the hill country 
as far north as Reaschun. 

In the year 1773 Bijerei Dehu, the eldest son of the good 
Rajah Runjeet Dehu, rebelled against his father, and sought 
to dethrone him. In this wicked design he was aided by the 
Seik chiefs, Churut Sing Sukerchuckia and Jey Sing Kunnia, 
whom he invited to Jummoo. The Rajah was, however, so 
well supported by his subjects and showed so determined a 
front, that with the aid of a little money bestowed on the mer¬ 
cenary auxiliaries of the rebel son, they were induced to with¬ 
draw. After this event Runjeet Dehu reigned in peace and 
prosperity until the year 1780, when he died. His name 
is to this day greatly respected throughout the hill-country, 
and his grants, regulations, Ac., have still the force of law. 
He had extended his dominions greatly, but at his death, 
their total annual revenue did not exceed eighty thousand 
rupees, the country being but poor and thinly peopled. 

Runjeet Dehu was succeeded by his weak and dissolute, yet 
ambitious and intractable son, Bijerei Dehu. When the news 
of Runjeet’s death and Bijerei’s succession reached the plains, 
Maha Sing, the son of Churut Sing Sukerchuckia, went as 
far as Seealkote on a visit of condolence to the new Rajah 
whom he there met. While they were at Seealkote together, 
the wily Seik chief so insinuated himself into the friendship 
of the hill-man, that by the ceremony of exchanging turbans 
he became his Bn bund or Paggree Bra , that is they were 
thenceforward sworn brothers. On the authority of this close 
alliance, Maha Sing, in the winter of 1781, visited Jummoo, 
with a band of twelve hundred men, and finding the Rajah 
and most of his followers laid up with an epidemic fever, he 
sacked and burnt the town, and withdrew only on receiving an 
engagement for the payment of an annual tribute. 

Bijerei Dehu died in 1786, and was succeeded by his son 


248 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS;— 


Sefurin Dehu, a young boy, wlio after a reign of seventeen or 
eighteen months, died at the age of fourteen years. On this, 
in 1788, Jey Sing, the only son of Delele Sing, was created 
Rajah, and had Meean Mota, the uncle of Goolaub Sing and 
his brothers, as his prime minister and principal adviser. Jey 
Sing was an imbecile and incompetent chief, and was unable 
to act for himself. About the year 1806, Runjeet Sing, who 
had succeeded his father, Maha Sing, and was extending his 
power over the Punjaub, sent a body of cavalry to take pos¬ 
session of Jummoo, but the invaders were bought off, and retired 
without having effected the purpose of their visit. Again, 
in 1807, Runjeet sent one of his lieutenants, Misser Dewaii 
Cliund, with a strong force to reduce the place. But the 
combined influences of a stout opposition and heavy bribes 
once more preserved the independance of the hill state. It 
was during this attack on Jummoo, that the present Goo¬ 
laub Sing so distinguished himself by his bravery, that Mis¬ 
ser Dewan Chund on his return spoke to Runjeet Sing very 
highly in his favour. 

Kussour or Kussoora Singliad three sons and four daughters;— 
the latter, it is said, were secretly put to death by their brothers 
in 1811 or 1812. The eldest of his sons was named Goolauboo, 
and was born about the year 1788. The second was Dehanoo, 
born in 1797. The third was Suchethoo, born in 1801. Goo¬ 
lauboo and Dehanoo lived with their uncle Meean Mota at 
Jummoo, while their father and younger brother resided at 
Ismailpore Deully, a village seven or eight coss from Jummoo 
in the plains, and on the road to Lahore, deriving their sub- 
sistance from the produce of a few acres of land. In the year 
1807, when the Seiks under Dewan Misser Chund attacked 
Jummoo, Goolauboo and some other Rajpoot lads of his 
own age distinguished themselves in a hand to hand fight with 
the Seik horsemen in the stony bed of the Thovee. This 
conduct so pleased Misser Dewan Chund, that on his return 


























































































































































A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 249 


to Lahore he described it in terms of glowing eulogy to his 
master Runjeet Sing. Hearing of this, Goolauboo, then about 
nineteen years of age, taking with him his next brother 
Dehanoo, who was ten, left Jummoo and hastened to Lahore 
in the full hope of building his fortunes on the favor of the 
Seik Maharajh. Great was the disappointment of the am¬ 
bitious stripling on finding that after idling away three months 
in the vain expectation of procuring an introduction to the 
great chief through the favor of Faquir Azeez-oodeen, he had 
nothing for it but to return to Jummoo as he came. And now 
leaving his young brother in charge of their father, Goolauboo 
went to seek service in some other quarter. In this pursuit 
he was so far successful, that in the course of the year 1808, 
he obtained military employment, on three rupees a month and 
rations, under the Killadar of Munjela, a fort on the west side of 
the Jhelum. He did not,however, stay here long, being compelled 
through some quarrel with his fellow soldiers to leave the fort? 
upon which he took service under Sultan Khan of Bheembur 
He was now stationed in the fort of Kotelee, about fourteen 
or fifteen miles to the west of Minore. Hence, however, he 
was ere long compelled to remove owing to some dispute with 
his chief. He now returned disappointed and destitute to 
his family and their humble home at Ismailpore, where he re¬ 
mained until the year 1811. 

The two elder brothers married while residing at Ismailpore, 
being supplied with the pecuniary means of doing so by a 
Hindoo named Doolo to whom they were consequently deeply 
in debt. However, in the beginning of 1811, this man was 
again called on by Kussour Sing to advance money sufficient 
to enable his two eldest sons to purchase horses and outfit, 
that they might proceed to Lahore, to enter the Seik service 
as Gorechars under Runjeet Sing. Doolo, though with but 
faint hope of repayment, cheerfully advanced the required 
sum, and, provided with credentials from Meean Mota to 


250 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS J — 


Misser Dewan Chund, the brothers repaired to Lahore. On 
arriving there they presented their letters of introduction to 
Misser Dewan Chund, who treated them with due respect and 
made them many promises of assistance. Just about this time, 
news arrived that Meean Mota had been murdered by Da- 
moother Sing and Gal Sing of the Bhow faction. The brothers 
hereupon determined to revenge his death, but as it was at present 
out of their power to do so, they were compelled to defer their 
design till an opportunity for its fulfilment should present itself. 
Misser Dewan Chund, meantime, introduced them to Runjeet 
Sing as two of the gallant Rajpoot youths whose conduct he had 
before described and extolled. The Maharajh pleased with their 
character and appearance, directed them to remain in attendance 
upon him, on a subsistence allowance of three rupees each 
per diem. Thus loitering about the court for some months they 
acquired all its habits and manners, and became accomplished 
courtiers. In 1812, however, they were made Gorechars in 
Meean Sing’s Missee, Dehanoo, being the greater favourite with 
the Maharajh, receiving five rupees a day, while Goolauboo, 
the elder brother, had only four. Their pay was, however, ere 
long doubled and tripled, so that of their savings from this 
source and from the presents they frequently received from 
the Maharajh, they were able by the latter end of the year 
to send home to their family no less than three thousand 
rupees. While they were dangling attendance on the durbar, 
their father died, leaving his sons to the care of his brother 
Meean Mota. 

The two brothers were the most favoured of all Runjeet Sing’s 
favourites ; it is supposed, however, that Goolauboo would not 
endure the Maharajh’s intimacy as his brothers did. In 1813 
they, at Runjeet’s request, sent for their younger brother Suche- 
too, now a lad of about twelve years old, whose handsome 
face and graceful person immediately won for him the entire 
regard of the Maharajh. The Rajpoot brothers were now all 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 251 

in all at court. Both Dehanoo and Suchetoo were well instruc¬ 
ted by their elder brother Goolauboo, in the part they had to 
play for securing the affections of him who had even then 
become their dupe. 

In 1813 or the following year Damoother Sing and Gal Sing, 
the murderers of Meean Mota, happening to be in Lahore, 
the two elder brothers considered this a favourable opportunity 
for carrying their long-deferred scheme of vengeance into exe¬ 
cution. They, therefore, watched for a suitable occasion, and 
having found one, they both, well mounted and armed, rode 
towards Anarkullee, where their intended victims, who were 
Gorechars of the Seik Cavalry, then lay encamped. They had 
not, however, proceeded far from the city when they met 
Damoother Sing riding towards Lahore. They saluted him 
with apparent civility, but as soon as he had passed, 
Goolauboo turned and fired at him, wounding him in such a 
manner as to prevent his escape, and the brothers dismounting 
quickly despatched him with their swords. At this moment 
Gal Sing, the other murderer, came in view, and received 
a mortal wound from the matchlock of Goolauboo. On this 
several persons who saw what was done raised the cry of mur¬ 
der, which prevented the despatch of their second victim, who 
escaped for the moment to die elsewhere. And now the bro¬ 
thers were attacked by the mob which had collected, and had 
they not wisely retreated, would have been put to death. They 
fled to the artillery camp of Misser Dewan Chund, where they 
received present protection; and on the affair being represented 
at court in a light favourable to them, the Maharajh, who, as 
may be imagined, was well disposed to leniency, readily pardoned 
them. It now became apparent to all in what relation they 
stood to the Maharajh, and neither he nor they seemed to 
deem it necessary to keep the connection secret. The mur¬ 
der of Damoother and Gal Sing seemed only to have raised 
the brothers higher than before in the favor of Runjeet, and 


252 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS;— 


now their allowance, exclusive of the presents they received, was 
eighteen rupees a day. 

In 1809 when Jey Sing, the last of the rightful Rajpoots of 
Jummoo died, and Runjeet Sing sent his Dewan, Bowanee Doss? 
surnamed Khooba, or the humpbacked, with Bii Ram Sing, and a 
body of 2,500 men, to take possession both of Jummoo and Bhow. 
On the appearance of the force, the family of the late Rajah, 
unable to offer resistance, fled across the Sutlej, on which the 
Seiks took quiet possession of the state, its capital and govern¬ 
ment. In 1811, however, an occurrence trivial in itself but im¬ 
portant in its results, disturbed them greatly in the possession 
of their ill-gotten prize. Hawking has ever been a favourite 
amusement of the Seik chiefs, and many of the birds employed 
in this sport were caught on or near the Tri Nokur a Devi, a 
lofty three-peaked sacred mountain, about twenty miles north 
of Jummoo. The birds caught here were considered the pro¬ 
perty of the Jummoo court, and on that place going into the 
hands of the Seiks were claimed by that of Lahore. It hap¬ 
pened, however, that sometime in 1811, it was reported at 
Lahore, that one Deedoo, a Rajpoot living near the sacred hill, 
and about sixteen miles from Jummoo, had caught a remarkably 
fine hawk. The Seik authorities of the district regarding the 
bird as the property of their masters or themselves, demanded 
it from its captor. Deedoo, however, stoutly refused to surrender 
his prize. On this an officer and twelve men were sent to take it 
from him by force. They arrived at the hut of Deedoo and de¬ 
manded the surrender of the bird. On this a parley ensued, and 
Deedoo proposed to accompany them to the Durbar at Jum¬ 
moo, carrying the hawk with him. This was agreed to, and 
time was given him to prepare for his departure. The hospita¬ 
ble Deedoo hereupon provided them with the raw materials 
of a meal, which they proceeded to cook in a small area 
adjoining the hut. While they were thus employed, Deedoo 
committing the hawk to the care of his wife, the only other in- 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 253 


mate of his dwelling at the time, sent her off with it from the 
rear of the hut to hide herself and the bird in some thick 
jungles that were near. He then, watching his opportunity 
when his unwelcome visitors were busily engaged with their 
meal, rushed upon them sWord in hand, and before they could 
recover from the surprize and confusion into which his sudden 
assault threw them, he had despatched seven and mortally 
wounded four of the panic-stricken party. Only two of the 
thirteen returned to Jummoo to tell the tale. Deedoo now re¬ 
joined his wife in the jungles, and as he could no longer live in 
that neighbourhood, he took to the hills, an outlawed robber, 
carrying murder and rapine through the country, but reserving 
his special attentions for the district subject to the authorities at 
Jummoo. 

Sometimes in these exploits he was at the head of two thousand 
armed men, outlaws like himself, and sometimes he was alone. He 
was favoured, and when need was, sheltered and protected by the 
people of the country, who were well disposed towards any one 
who had the will and power to harrass and annoy the Seik in¬ 
truders. There was a garrison of about two thousand men in 
Jummoo, but Deedoo hesitated not to attack the place on seve¬ 
ral occasions by night or by day, though his force sometimes 
numbered only fifty or sixty men. In one of these assaults 
he burnt down nearly the whole place and carried off a 
great part of the moveable property of the Seik inhabitants. 
After these exploits he would disappear as suddenly as he came, 
and the Seiks never ventured to pursue him a musket shot from 
the walls. It is said that seldom fifteen days passed without an 
achievement of this kind, and according to tradition, Deedoo, 
from time to time, slew, with his own hand, above three hundred 
of his enemies, the Seiks. On more than one occasion, this 
bold brigand has been known to enter Jummoo at the dusk 
of the evening with a band of two or three hundred men, 
the garrison offering no resistance, but hiding themselves 


254 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS;— 


wherever they would find places. After putting to the 
sword all the Seiks they met with, the robbers would spend the 
night carousing round fires, which they had lit in the Mundee 
(the forum of the place) and on which they cooked their 
evening meal. At dawn of day they' would decamp unmolest¬ 
ed, taking with them whatever they thought worth the 
carriage. 

In 1812, tired, probably, of his unquiet life, and allured 
by promises of pardon from the Seik authorities at Lahore 
and Jummoo, Deedoo surrendered himself into the hands of his 
enemies ; but no sooner had he done so than suspecting trea¬ 
chery he set upon his guard, and made his escape after killing 
five men of his escort. He again returned to his wild pre¬ 
datory mode of life, and for above a year more, kept the 
country in so unquiet and disordered a state, that the Seiks 
found it impossible to govern it or to realise their revenues from 
it. Thus in the latter end of 1813 or the beginning of 1814, 
Runjeet Sing found an excuse for displacing the Jemadar, 
Kooshial Sing, to whom he had committed the charge of the 
district, and for delivering the country over to his favourites, 
the Rajpoot brothers. This measure was the result of an in¬ 
trigue of the elder brother Goolauboo, who had managed to 
fill his master’s mind with distrust of the Jemadar by des¬ 
cribing him as engaged in schemes for establishing himself 
as the independent chief of the hill-countries. With the 
aid and support of Misser Dewan Chund, the wily brothers 
found little difficulty in persuading the too partial Maharajh 
that in their hands only could the government of their native 
district be satisfactorily carried on. As preliminary to their 
formal establishment in the hills, Goolauboo was presented 
with a jaghire of about forty thousand rupees a year, near 
Jummoo and Bheembur, which latter place had lately been 
taken from Sultan Khan, its former chief. Leaving his two 
younger brothers, the special favourites of Runjeet, to push the 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 255 


family interest at Court, where they jointly held the much 
coveted office of Doudeewan or keeper of the King’s gate, 
a title and office almost synonimous with that of Wuzeer, 
Goolauboo set off for Jummoo, assuring the Maharajh that 
he would never return but to lay the head of the terrible 
Deedoo at his master’s feet. To enhance the value of their 
prospective loyality, the brothers gave it out that the free-booter, 
whom out of regard to their sovereign they were about to put 
down, was their near relative. Goolauboo or, as he was then 
called, in virtue of his Rajpoot descent, Meean Goolauboo, 
took with him to Jummoo five or six hundred men to reinforce 
the body of two thousand strong, which were in garrison 
there already. He did not venture, however, to rely on his 
military strength for the capture of the formidable Deedoo and 
the destruction of his armed bands. He put in practice all his 
wiles and spent large sums in bribes, and by such means suc¬ 
ceeded so well that ere long he was able to return to Lahore, 
on the condition which he had himself imposed, that of laying 
the outlaw’s head at the feet of the Maharajh. After re¬ 
ceiving large rewards of money and jaghires for himself and 
family, in acknowledgment of the service he had done to the 
state, Goolauboo was sent off again with about fifteen hun¬ 
dred horse to subdue the Kuss country about Kistowur and to 
the north of Jummoo. In 1817, he returned from this expedi¬ 
tion in which he had been highly successful and was of course 
lavishly rewarded for his services. It must be observed 
here that the younger brothers, from their good looks and 
more compliant disposition, were personally more in favour 
with the Maharajh than was Meean Goolauboo. On them Run- 
jeet was desirous of confering the title and dignity of Rajah, but 
they, well tutored in the part they were to play, declared that 
they could not consent to receive honours, which were with¬ 
held from Goolauboo, their wise, brave and well-deserving 
elder brother. They prayed, therefore, of their kind master, 


256 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS;— 


their father, as they now styled the Maharajh, that in any 
honours and favours which he had to bestow upon the family, 
Goolauboo might have that preference to which his merits, as well 
as his seniority, entitled him. A slave to his own vile passions, 
which had driven him into the toils of these cunning and 
unscrupulous youths, Runjeet, rather than forego his design 
of ennobling his minions, Dehanoo and Suchetoo, at length 
consented to include the less favoured elder brother in the 
patent of nobility. Thus, in the year 1818, the three brothers 
were created Rajahs. The eldest, to whom precedence was re¬ 
luctantly given, became Rajah Goolaub' Sing of Jummoo, the 
second Rajah Dehan Sing of Blieembur and Kussal, the third 
Rajah Suchet Sing of Sumba, Ramnuggur, &c. To these titles 
w r ere appended territories to the annual value of about three 
lakhs, one a lakh and a half, and one lakh, respectively. But 
this the brothers considered as mere out-fit money for the 
career of profit which they now saw before them. 

Taking leave of Runjeet and the court of Lahore, Rajah 
Goolaub Sing now repaired to Jummoo to take possession 
of the seat of his ancestors, as an almost independent prince. 
His allegiance was limited to the maintenance of a small 
force of horse and foot at the service of the Durbar, to be 
presented annually at the Dusserah festival for review at Lahore, 
and certain promises of obedience to all the orders of the Maha¬ 
rajh. Thus Goolaub departed from Lahore, leaving his 
younger brothers still there in high favour and close intimacy 
with their ro}^al master, and well instructed as to the use 
they were to make of their opportunities for the aggrandizement 
of the family. Henceforth he paid only occasional visits to 
the capital, seldom making his appearance there except when 
summoned by his brothers to consult on some matter in which 
their interest was involved and in which his advice was re¬ 
quired. Thus these three Rajpoot brethren in time monopo¬ 
lized all the power and influence of the Lahore court, the 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 257 

Maharajh being little more than the instrument of their will. 
Rajah Dehan Sing*, in particular by his superior abilities, 
obtained such an ascendancy over Runjeet that while seemingly 
the humblest of his servants, he was in reality the regent 
of the Punjaub during the latter years of its aged sovereign. 

When Rajah Goolaub Sing was settled in the government 
of the hill territories committed to his charge by the Maharajh, 
the Seik troops were withdrawn from Jummoo, together with 
the civil officials that had been employed in the management 
of the district. Thus left to himself, tie young Rajah ruled 
his subjects with an iron rod and ^tended his power over all the 
petty independent chiefs °f the neighbouring states. His 
avarice and cruelty TT ' c:I>e boundless, and both found free scope. 
Yet though complaints were raised against his tyranny, 
none o£ them reached the ear of his master, the Maharajh, 
xc being an important part of the duties of his brothers, and espe¬ 
cially of the more influential Dehan Sing, to arrest them in 
their progress to the durbar, where through his vigilance not 
one of them obtained a hearing. 

The character of Goolaub Sing as exhibited in these early 
days of his power, was one of the most repulsive it is pos¬ 
sible to imagine. Ambitious, avaricious, and cruel by nature, 
he reduced the exercise of his cruelty to a system for the promo¬ 
tion of the objects which his ambition and avarice led him to 
seek. He exercised the most ruthless barbarities, not in the heat 
of conflict or the flush of victory only, nor in the rage of an offend¬ 
ed sovereign against rebellious subjects; he deliberately com¬ 
mitted the most horrible atrocities for the purpose of investing his 
name with a terror that should keep down all thoughts of resis¬ 
tance to his cruel sway. With all this he was courteous and 
polite in demeanour, and exhibited a suavity of manner and lan¬ 
guage that contrasted fearfully with the real disposition to which 
it formed an artfully designed but still transparent covering. 


K K 


258 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS 


He would be all things to all men, and displayed a readiness 
to adapt himself to the circumstances even of the humblest 
of his subjects that would have won all hearts, had not the 
tiger-nature that crouched beneath this fair-seeming exterior 
rendered him an object of distrust and terror. His character 
is thus sketched by the rude but vigorous hand of one who 
knew him well : 

a He is an eater of opium, he tells long stories, keeps irregular 
hours, sleeps little, has a mind unsettled, offers little, promises 
less, but gives his nr 0 rd ; of good memory ; free, humorous 
and intimate even with tLo lowest and poorest classes of his 
subjects. The partaker and otu.v, the companion of their 
toils and labour, seeming or acting tHo^ very diligent, careful 
and instructing father, their sorrowful and heai^ ro k en mo ther, 
their very intimate and laborious village brother, their li ^ iocose 
and humorous neighbour, their kind and continual visitor,—y<^ 
with all this, in reality a very leech, sucking their life’s blood, 
the shameless slave-trader of their sons and daughters, brothers’ 
sisters, wives and families. The would-be great merchant 
of the east ; the very jack of all trades, the usurer, the turn¬ 
penny, the briber and the bribed. The Jew shopkeeper of both 
old and new shoes, cloths, &c. The very pawnbroker, the very 
purchaser and retaker of his own alms.” 

In explanation of this last trait, it may be necessary to state, 
that it is the custom of Hindoos of all ranks and castes to 
bestow alms, according to their ability, on certain classes of 
Brahmins on stated occasions. Now in the dominions of 
Goolaub Sing this source of profit was in a great measure 
monopolized by the Rajah, for whom, in reality, the Brah¬ 
mins were collectors of revenue, holding in farm from him 
the right of collecting alms. Thus the alms which he himself 
gave in accordance with custom, came back into the hands 
of the donor. 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 259 


The authority already quoted, thus describes the other side 
of the chieftain’s character: 

a Still with all this he must be accounted the very best of 
soldiers, and, for an Asiatic and an unlettered, uneducated 
man, he is an able, active, bold, energetic yet wise and prudent 
commander. He is anything but strong-headed and hot blood¬ 
ed ;—prudently making slow but resolute and judicious move¬ 
ments ; thinking more of his resources, reserves, &c. than most 
of his country are wont to do. Looks more to the future, 
its wants and requisites, than either to the present or past— 
slowly goes on and feels his way as he goes—always ensuring- 
supplies and resources—quick in taking opportunities,—fond 
of the defensive though ready to take the offensive when op¬ 
portunity offers or requires—always considering arms as his last 
resource. He possesses great self-reliance on his political 
and subtle powers,—is slow but sure, and anything but forward 
in the field of battle. There , self-composed, prudent and 
careful and ever suspicious to the last. But at the breach, 
storm or charge, he freely though yet reluctantly expends his 
men, while he himself is just the man to be at their head if 
required, but generally the cool and able commander is in the 
rear.” 

The character of the second brother is thus sketched by the 
same hand :—“ Rajah Delian was active, enterprising, brave, 
energetic and intrepid to a degree; unconscious of all personal 
danger, but ever ready to repulse any; despising the habits of the 
indolent Asiatic life ; ever employed in bold and manly pursuits; 
well accustomed to endure all sorts of privations and fatigue ; 
remarkable for his adroitness in the use of all warlike wea¬ 
pons ; expert, quick, agile in all his movements ; of a most de¬ 
termined and resolute disposition, but when required to yield 
no one could do so with a better grace; the master of a most win¬ 
ning, gentle, affable, sedate, yet manly and commanding ad- 


260 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS \— 


dress ; ambitious to a degree that knew no bounds ; quick of 
parts; of deep discernment; discreet, prudent, careful, and 
ever scrupulous of offending* without just cause ; always study¬ 
ing*, and seldom failing* to gain the respect and good wishes of 
all around; mild and polite even to the meanest class; extreme¬ 
ly laconic in speech; impatient of delay ; deaf to all long, 
round-about, or shuffling explanations, speeches, petitions, or 
harangues ; off-handed and concise in all orders, judgments, 
and sentences for punishment; bashful and seemingly with an 
inward consciousness of the degradation of his original rise at 
court; ever passive with inferiors ; high, haughty and distant 
with equals, and respectful to superiors, but polite to all; occa¬ 
sionally humorous, witty and sarcastic ; but generally silent, 
thoughtful and reflective ; an enemy to the sensualist, libertine, 
or debauchee, and of regular and moderate habits himself.—In 
religion Rajah Delian Sing in his heart was more a Deist than 
anything else ; and though outwardly following* the rules pre¬ 
scribed to his caste, &c. he was often known to rail at the whole 
as made up of Brahminical deception. He believed but little in 
either the Jothushee or Nejumee. He despised Brahmins and 
their tenets, as false and foolish, and more than once speaking 
in private on caste and religion, &c. he acknowledged that be 
believed the Europeans knew more about the right way than any 
native. He considered all Europeans as Deists, aud often, when 
going through some long, holy, and sacred ceremony, he would 
order the Brahmin to make quick work of it, smiling and saying, 

* We have now had enough of it.’ He was often known to 
ridicule the whole as a farce, and really had the same opinion of 
Hindoo deities, as Europeans have. He could write a good 
and quick hand in his own Dogra character, and was extremely 
apt in learning Persian, &c. But though he may be said to 
possess, as he certainly did, all those and many other qualities, 
still the good traits in his mysterious character seemed to be 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 261 


but as a well-assumed and well-worn, befitting, mystic cloak, to 
screen a Macbiavelian spirit, made up of a most diabolical, 
wily, deceptive, crafty, dissembling, faithless, subtle, deep, dark, 
designing, and ruthless disposition. And all for what ? Ambi¬ 
tion ! He was ever determined and indefatigable to gain his 
end, but blind to the sacrifice it required, even to his own life, 
person, honour and character, and even to that of his wife, 
sons, and family ; all were shamefully sacrificed to the one 
consuming passion—ambition and the thirst for aggrandize¬ 
ment.” 

Of Rajah Suchet Sing we have the following account:— 

“ Rajah Suchet Sing, though possessing but few of the quali¬ 
ties of his brothers, still was, at the first view, esteemed polite 
and courtly to a degree. He was certainly master of all their 
bad traits, or was as deep and dark spotted. Without possessing 
a whit more bravery or intrepidity, he assumed the tone and 
air of a Bravo amongst them, always considering himself 
and his handsome person to have been the chief cause, and 
means of their rise and power. He was the bully at 
court, and the desperado of the Punjaub; knowing better how 
to fight than to command ; a capital soldier but no officer; 
utterly careless of life ; wild, furious, proud, fiery and impati¬ 
ent in the midst of slaughter ; always wishing to signalize him¬ 
self and become the hero of some desperate and daring exploit; 
—a would-be Deedoo—with a proud, high, domineering spirit 
to both equals and superiors $ irregular habits, and hard living ; 
a most licentious debauchee and shameless defiler of women, and 
robber of the peace of many husbands and fathers. The hand¬ 
some, dangerous, insinuating lady's man. The court dandy, 
ever conscious of his beauty of person and figure; jealous, to a 
degree of his nephew, Rajah Heera Sing, whom he well consi¬ 
dered as his successful rival and successor in the affections of 
his master. In few words his character may be depicted thus— 


262 


THE LORDS OF THE HILLS ,— 


for the first half of his court life, high-mettled, easily ruffled, 
never persuaded, over-petted, hot-blooded, light-headed; and for 
the last few years, by freedom broken, by lust satiated, by jea¬ 
lousy embittered—a crest-fallen, broken-hearted desperado.” 

Of Rajah Heera Sing, the son of Dehan Sing, and who 
succeeded to his father’s place and power at the court of Lahore, 
our authority thus writes : 

“ Of Rajah Heera Sing, at one time the virtual ruler of the 
Punjaub a few words may be said. He was twenty-three years 
of age and was what might be called a spoiled child when he died. 
The pet of Runjeet, or Runjeet’s own last darling chicken, perhaps 
his last and most loving victim; made up of many of the most 
curious and contradictory ingredients ; still addicted to low 
cunning, pride, effeminacy and licentious debauchery—the 
shameless intruder and Paul Pry of the court harem. Crouch¬ 
ing, mean and timid to superiors, or those to be dreaded ; silent 
and suspicious to equals ; proud, supercilious and arrogant to 
inferiors ; subtle and deceitful to all :—too proud and high to 
take notice or even to return the salute of men of higher rank 
and certainly of better character than himself; reared and 
brought up as the lap-dog of Runjeet and his dissolute associa¬ 
tes ; with a little smattering of English, Persian and Sanscrit, 
and pretending to a perfect knowledge of all! In person 
somewhat handsome, and approaching to his father’s likeness ; 
always rectifying his dress, whiskers, beard, mustachios, and 
invariably chewing or seeming to chew something. Clean, 
neat, and showy in appearance, the would-be copy of his father— 
but too effeminate and proud ; unstable, or seemingly dare not 
walk, stir, sit, rise, eat, drink, or sleep, or even speak, 
answer, think, suggest or decide, without what ? A trifling sign 
—a careless nod—or some such other sufficient token of consent 
from the magic finger of his mystrious jailor, his old and 
original guardian spirit, his grand secret keeper, his sole advi- 


A GENEALOGICAL HISTORY OF THE JUMMOO FAMILY. 263 


ser, his powerful magician, his sworn friend and protector, his 
preceptor, master, tutor, father and brother,—inferior and supe¬ 
rior, Misser Jellah Pundit!” 

The later history of the three brothers, the death of the 
two younger and the exaltation of the eldest, are recorded 
elsewhere in this book, and need not, therefore, be further noticed 
here. It is enough to say, that Maharajh Goolaub Sing, through 
favor of the British Government, sovereign of Cashmere and 
Jummoo, is now sole and undisputed Lord of the Hills. 



11 


APPENDIX. 


“ Beekoo ho Chuck ”—the Chuck or village of Beekoo Mull , the 
latter word Mull being left out for abbreviation’s sake. Thus, 
also is the name of the old but well known village of ‘ Booker 
Chuck / the cradle of Runjeet’s family; and thus the present 
Amritsar was once occupied by a village known by the name of 
Sooa Chuck. 

Note. 


“ The Sikhs, under one of 
their celebrated leaders, called 
Jasa Sing Calal, immediately 
took possession of the vacant 
Subah of Lahore.”— Page 42. 


Jussa Sing, the founder or 
head of the present Kollolwalla 
family$ “ Collol” or “ Kollol” 
means a distiller and vender of 
spirits, and is considered one of 


the lowest castes in the Punjaub; Jussa Sing was of this caste, 
and a native of a village at present called Kollol Walla 

Note. 


“The cities of Lahore and 
Amritsar are both in this pro¬ 
vince (Bari Duab or Manj’ha) 
and it becomes in consequence 
the great centre of the power 
of this nation. Ranjit Sing 
of Lahore 5 Fateh Sing of 
Alloowal; and Jud’h Sing of 
Ramgadia; are the principal 
chiefs of this country.”— Page 


Ramgliurria, not gadia :— 
all Ramghurria Sings are car¬ 
penters by caste;—so that now 
even the very word Ramghur¬ 
ria Sing, signifies a Sing car¬ 
penter. In mentioning the 
name of any Sing it is the 
usual custom to add or men¬ 
tion likewise, either the name 
of his village, district, occupa¬ 
tion, or family, by which he 


may be recognized from any other of the same name. Thus 
Futty Sing, Allomalla ; Khan Sing, Mulmai ; Sham Sing, 
Attareewalla ; Panjoo Sing, Nekeii , tyc. tyc. 

Note. 


“The inhabitants of thecoun- It should be Dhunnee-Gebe , 

try between the Ravi and which words are the names of 

Chanab are called D’harpi two large distinct districts south 

Sing, from the country being of the Puttwar country. But 

called D’harpi. The D’hani- I have never known a Sing to be 

gheb Sings are beyond the called Dhunnee Gebe %ing; 

Chanab, but within "the Jee- Sings from that quarter are 

lam river .’’—Page 51. generally plainly mentioned 

thus, Ameer Sing Gebee, or Omer Sing Dhunnee Kan; those 
of Puttwar are called thus, Preme Sing Puttwarree , fyc. 

Note. 

“ The order of Sikhs have a There are several Bung as in 
place or Bunga on the bank the Punjaub, but the principal 


APPENDIX. 


Ill 


of the sacred reservoir of Am¬ 
ritsar, where they generally 
resort, hut are individually 
possessed of property, though 
they affect poverty, and subsist 
upon charity; which however, 
since their numbers have in¬ 
creased/they generally extort, 
by accusing the principal chiefs 
of crimes, imposing fines upon 
them, and in the event of their 
refusing to pay, preventing 


ones are in and about Amrit.- 
sir; the money collected in 
these places is distributed ei¬ 
ther yearly or every six months, 
among a certain number who 
have a claim to it. One full 
share in one of the chief Bun- 
gas in Amritsir I have known 
to amount to 200 rupees in one 
year ;—and sometimes 1,000 
or 1,200 shares are thus dis¬ 
tributed. 


them from performing their ablutions, or going through any of 
their religious ceremonies at Amritsar.”— Page 53. 

. Note. 


“The Shahid and Nirmala, Generally pronounced JSfee- 
two otherreligious tribes among' Maal Sing, or a Sing who 
the Sikhs.”— Page 53. wears a low turban; Nee being 

an abbreviation of the word “Neevee” Low and “ Maal a,” 
Turban or Head-dress, and often applied to the long head of 
hair of a Sikh when tied up in a knot above his forehead :—thus 
when a Sikh has become an Akalee and wears his hair and turban 
or head-dress after this manner, he is said to “ Nee-Maala 
wencha Kytha,” or he has raised his turban. 

Note. 

“ The Muhammedans who The Bangee or men of the 
have become Sikhs, and their Sweeper caste are the only 
descendants are in the Punjab people called Muzubee Sing , 
jargon, termed Mezhebi Sing.” generally pronounced Mujbee 
—Page 56. for abbreviation ; there is no 

term that I know of to particularize a Mahommedan become 
Sikh; but no Sikh would make any objection in respect of 
eating or drinking with a person of the latter description. But 
with a Mujbee there certainly would be an objection made; 
however very few Mahommedans have ever become proselytes 
to the Sikh religion. 

Note. 

“ In the collection of the re- The state of the Rhyate, or 
venue in the Punjab, it is stated Zeemindaurs, is far different 
to be a general rule, that the from this statement at present, 
chiefs to whom the territories belong, should receive one half 


IV 


APPENDIX. 


of the produce, and the farmer the other : but the chief never 
levies the whole of his share, and in no country perhaps is the 
Ryot, or cultivator, treated with more indulgence .”—Page 57. 

Note. - 


“ The use of opium to intoxi¬ 
cate, is very common with the 
Sikhs as with most of the 
military tribes of India. They 
also take B’hang, another ine¬ 
briating drug .”—Page 63. 
only occasionally. 


B’hang is now in usual and 
daily use by the lower classes, 
while opium is mostly used 
by the higher;—and there are 
few who do not use either one 
or the other. Liquors are used 

Note. 


“The conduct of the Sikhs to 
their women differs in no ma¬ 
terial respect from that of the 
tribes of Hindus or Muham- 
medans, from whom they are 
descended. Their moral cha¬ 
racter with regard to women, 
and indeed in most other 
points, may, from the freedom 
of their habits, generally be 
considered as much more lax 
than that of their ancestors.” 
—Pag, 


Here I will give a few anec¬ 
dotes characteristic of Sikh 
morals, of facts that I have my¬ 
self witnessed: 1. A Sikh soldier 
got married, and shortly after 
went to Peshawar, whence he 
returned after eight years ab¬ 
sence, during which he had re¬ 
gularly sent whatever he could 
save of his pay to his wife for 
her subsistence. On his return 
he felt a little astonished to find 
his wife with four fine lads run¬ 
ning after her; but he merely asked her to whom they belonged, 
and the woman, without a blush, answered “ they are yours .” 
Pleased by this answer the fellow took up one of the children 
and patted it, and told her it was all well, but that she must 
make the world believe what she had affirmed, adding “ it 
satisfies me to be considered, at least, the father,” &c. &c. 

2. Another soldier, who was absent from his home in the 
Mahjri country for jive years , returned, and heard from his neigh¬ 
bours that his wife had two children during his absence; he 
merely answered, “ She is quite right, they will do well for 
minding the plough, and looking after the cattle.” But, some 
time after, her paramour taking away the children, the husband 
entered into a lawsuit with him for the possession of them; and 
the woman was brought before one of the chief Sirdars of the 
country, where also her husband and paramour were present. 
There she actually squabbled in favour of the paramour’s taking 
away the children as his rightful property; on which her hus¬ 
band rebuked her, saying “I am astonished at your taking his 


APPENDIX. 


V 


part!” “ Pooh” said she “ drop the affair and let him take 

away the children, we will have plenty more.”—However the 
husband paid about 40 rupees as a Nuzzur and got the children, 
and he now treats them as his own. 

3. Runjeet Sing had a little Harkarah who was remarkable 
not only for his lean body and thin legs but for his pedestrian 
powers. He would go from Lahore to Peshawar, and return in 
fourteen days. For these exploits he was called Challee Koa, 
which signified him capable of walking forty coss, sixty miles, 
a day. This man was married to a young woman by the parti¬ 
cular desire of Runjeet Sing himself:—but, about five months 
after their marriage she was delivered of a son—when Challee 
Koa went to complain to Runjeet, and his own words were 
“ They call me Challee Koa, and I thought no one could go 
swifter than myself, but my wife has beat me completely.” 

4. Chund Kour the mother of No Nehal Sing, was notorious for 
her loose conduct, even during the life time of Runjeet, who 
more than once imprisoned some of her paramours. A Frash 
or Boag, well known by the name of Minoo (from his large 
eyes) was once imprisoned and even heavily ironed in a bastion 
that stood in the city outside the Hazooree Baug. General 
Ventura strongly interceded with Runjeet for his release; and I 
believe he would have been pardoned by his means, had it not 
been found out that Chund Kour actually was in the habit of 
paying him visits in the disguise of a Kunchenee , or dancing girl 
of the town, even while thus in close confinement. She was 
however the means of his being' released at last, by her publicly 
remonstrating with Runjeet himself—and actually wishing to 
convince him of the imbecility of his son, and making other 
shameful exposures not at a 'private Durbar, but in the presence 
of eight or ten of the chief Sirdars of the country—where she 
even threatened to murder herself and her son should her lover 
Minoo not be released. It is well known that had No Nehal 
Singh lived but for a few months longer he would have 
murdered her. The manner in which she has been known 
to send written Purwanahs, or orders to any person she might 
take a fancy to, to present themselves at her own private apart¬ 
ment was notorious. 


From Prinsep's Life of Runjeet Sing. 

Note. 

“The family boasts of no an- His name was not Deesoobut 
tiquity, the first of whom any Budda, and on his becoming 



VI 


APPENDIX. 


traditionary recollection is pre- a Seik lie took the name of 
served was a petty Zumeen- Boodk Sing-, 
dar, named Deesoo , a Jath of the Sansee tribe, who resided in 
a village of the district of Manjali called Sookur-Chuk.”— Chap. 

2, p. 22. 

Note. 

“His patrimony was confin- I have heard much regard¬ 

ed to three ploughs and a well, ing Budda and understand he 
and little is known of him , was famous in his day. 
except that he was the father of Nodh Sing, whose son Cliurut 
Sing founded the fortunes of the family by establishing a 
Surdaree or Chieftainship, which his descendants, Maha Sing 
and Runjeet, have improved into the Sovereignty over a wide 
and fertile territory .”—Chapter 2, page 22. 

Note. 

u Nodh Sing was the first of Nodh Sing’s father was the 
the family who embraced the first of the family who em- 
tSihh religion; he sought in braced the Seik religion, and 
marriage the daughter of Goo- even Bara his grand-father 
lab Sing, a Zumeendar of used to read the Grunth and 
Mejithia, who was already was called Bii Bara, 
initiated in the rites of that faith. And the Pahul was pro¬ 
posed as the condition of the nuptials.”— Chap. 2, p. 22. 

Note. 


“ Churut Sing following his 
ftither’s courses, but disdaining 
to serve in a subordinate capa¬ 
city, associated with himself 
his brothers-in-law Did Sing 
and Jodh Sing , and with their 
help raised some followers, 
whom he maintained and kept 
together by .successful preda¬ 
tory enterprizes .”—Chapter 2, 
Page 22. 

“ He left a widow, Desan by 
name, with two sons and a 
daughter, called respectively, 
Maha Sing, Suliuj Sing and Raj 
KoonwarT — Chap. 3 ,p. 39. 


In the Punjaub Adventurer 
Dhul Sing and Jodh Sing are 
mentioned as the brothers of 
Churut Sing, but they were 
as here stated his brothers in 
law and sons of Ameer Sing* 
Gujerawalla. 


Note. 

Ivoonwar means a Prince; a 
Princess is Ivour, according 
to Gilchrist; thus Churut Sing’s 
daughter should have been cal¬ 
led Raj Kour , she married Salieb 
Sing of Goojrut.— (Editor.) 


APPENDIX. 


vii 


Note. 

“ Captain Wade differs from I believe that Maha Sino- 
Captain Murray in the date was born in 1759, and that 
assigned to the birth of Maha Churut Sing was killed in 1774, 
Sing. Captain W. places it as stated by Capt. Murray, 
in 1757, making him fourteen years old in 1771, when Churut 
Sing died, according to his version. Captain Murray fixes 
it in 1764, making him ten years old in 1774 .”—Note p. 40. 

Note. 

“ The nuptials of Maha Sing In the Punjaub Adventurer 
were celebrated in 1776 with it is stated she was the daugh- 
the daughter of Gujput Sing ter of Gujput Sing of Scind; 
of Jeendj to whom he had Jeend is correct, 
previously been betrothed.”— 

Chap. 3 ,p. 41. 

“ Jy Sing had set his hopes Vide Genealogical Table. 
on the promise afforded by the character of his son Goor 
Bukhsh Sing.”— Chap. 3, p. 46. 

In that year Goojur Sing, the Sikh Chief of Goojrat, died, 
and Saheb Sing, his son, succeeded to the Sirdaree. 

“ The sister of Maha Sing , Vide Genealogical Table, 

had been given in marriage to Saheb Sing by Churut Sing .”— 
Chap. 3, p. 47. 

Note. 

“ The Regent mother was ac- My account of this affair 
cused of having led a life of states that Runjeet Sing put 
profligate indulgence, the late her to death with his own 
Dewan being not the only pa- hands , and I have seen pictures 
ramour admitted to her favours, representing it thus sold at 
Upon receiving evidence of Lahore.— (Editor.) 
this, it is said that Runjeet Sing gave his sanction to, or at 
least connived at, her being put to death; and the old Chief, 
Bui Sing , is designated as the perpetrator of the act by means 
of poison?' — Chap. 3, p. 49. 

Note. 

“InDecember 1807, Runjeet Sheer Sing was the son of a 
Sing returned to Lahore and Mahometan washerman named 
was presented by his wife Allee Buksh in the service of 
Mehtab Koonwur, with twins. Suda Kour. Tara Sing was 
The boys were named Sheer the son of a carpenter named 
Sing and Tara Sing, but Run - Dural Sing. 
jeet Sing has never fully acknowledged them as his own 
offspring. Mehtab Koonwur’s fidelity had for some time been 


Till 


APPENDIX. 


suspected by her husband, and sbe had, in consequence, been 
living with her mother, Suda Koonwur. The report ran, that 
the boys were 'procured by the latter from a Carpenter and 
Weaver, and were produced as born to her daughter, the public 
having for some time previously been prepared for the birth by 
reports circulated of Mehtab being with child.”— Chap. 4, p. 63. 

u Suda Koonwur alone -was This corroborates what I 
not present; indisposition was have stated that Runjeet would 
assigned as the reason of her not even acknowledge Sheer 
non-attendance on the occa- Sing as his son. — (Editor.) 
sion; but her dissatisfaction at the failure of an attempt to 
procure from Eunjeet Sing, her son-in-law, the public acknow¬ 
ledgement during these ceremonies, of the two boys she had 
brought up as twins born to her daughter, was generally be¬ 
lieved to be the true cause of her absence.”— Chap. 6,p. 90. 


From the Punjaub Adventurer. 

Note. 

“Dyan Sing, though slightly Dehan Sing was not in the 
lame, is a fine looking man, of least lame, and so active that 
a noble presence, polite and I have seen him leap over an 
affable, of winning manners object six feet high, and he 
and modest speech. He sits was one of the best and quick- 
on the ground, and rather be- est writers I ever saw. 
hind the Maharajah, while the others, his inferiors in every way, 
are seated on chairs. The Raja decidedly is, next to his 
master, the ablest man in the Punjab; though like him so 
illiterate a sscarcely to be able to sign his name .”— Chap. 2, p. 17. 

Note. 


“ Kharak Sing, the eldest, is 
an imbecile, and effects the 
religieux. Sher Sing, the se¬ 
cond is far from clever, but he 
is prudent; he is fond of imi¬ 
tating the Military and Euro¬ 
peans. Tara Sing, the third, 
is a dissolute Vagabond, lead¬ 
ing the most reckless life in the 
common bazars. None of them 
appear much at Durbars, and 


I never considered Kurruck 
Sing as imbecile until he was 
made so by the poison given 
him. Tara Sing cannot I think 
be called a Vagabond but a 
simpleton or fool. I have be¬ 
fore stated that Sheer Sing was 
the son of a washerman and 
Tara Sing the son of a carpen¬ 
ter. 

the two latter are known not to 


be really sons of the Maharajah, who perhaps keeps quiet the 
mystery of their birth, as a check against any possible designs 
of his acknowledged son.— Chap. 2 ,p. 22. 



APPENDIX. 


ix 


Note. 

u Of late years such has been This man’s name was Zoro- 
the audacity, ability, and influ- vcroo, a Dogra of low cast, 
ence of the brotherhood, or and he added the Sing when 
rather of the two elder, that no made a general by Goolaub. 
year has passed without an extension of their territorial acquisi¬ 
tions ; a fair sample of their doings is the fact, that the first 
intimation Runjeet Sing received of operations on the Ladak 
frontier, was the announcement of the occupation of Ladak itself 
by Zorawar Sing, the general of Golab Sing’s troops.”— 
Note, p. 26. 

Note. 

“ There are good men present, His name is Teg a Sing, and he 

Bellasis, said Runjeet, evident- is any thing but a great huge fel¬ 
ly urging me on. ( Yes,’ said low, being hardly middle sized. 
Tej Sing, a great huge fellow, calling himself general and 
nephew of Khashyal Sing.”— Chap. 3 ,p. 35. 

Note. 


“On the top of the Dagoaree I have inserted the words 
pass [or at the addhe-tuh or that are in italics; the name of 
Dulihe, a height above Bheem - the Poonch chief was pro- 
bur] I saw a gibbet with two nounced Shumsh. 
cages containing the skulls of Shams and his nephew, the chiefs 
of Poonch, who had for a long time (three months) resisted the 
encroachments of the Jammu family. A price was set upon 
their heads by Golab Sing, but from their known bravery no 
one dared attack them openly 5 and they were at last killed, 
while asleep, and their heads carried to Golab Sing, who 
ordered them to be suspended from the Bheembur pass.”—(Adda 
Tuk).— Note,p. 73. 

Note. 


“ Nodli Sing, therefore, on his 
marriage, forsook his peaceful 
occupations and joined, as a 
trooper, the Misal of Kapur 
Sing of Gujarat, called the 
Fyzoollapureen Misal ; he died 
in 1750, leaving three sons, 
when the eldest, Charat Sing, 
joining with his brothers, Dull 
of their own.”— Chap. 9 ,p. 12< 


Nodh Sing died in 1752, and 
had four sons. Churut Sing- 
had a brother named Dull Sing, 
but Jodh Sing was his brother- 
in-law, and the famous Dull 
Sing was his brother-in-law 
also ; little is known of his bro¬ 
ther Dull Sing. 

and Jodh Sing, raised a banner 


b 


X 


APPENDIX. 


Note. 


“ In the end of 1840, the No Nihal Sing was not seat - 
poor cypher of a Maharajah ed on an elephant , but was on 
died; whether fairly or not, is foot, and it was not a beam 
not known; the court went out that fell, but some brick bats, 
to the funeral solemnities, and and the Prince was not killed 
the ambitious Prince was in all on the spot: I was present, 
the glory of his new title, when the train re-entered the city of 
Lahore. There was a narrow gateway, the crowd was great, and 
made a rush to seize the money, scattered on such occasions among 
the populace. The elephant on which No Nihal was seated , 
was pushed close to the wall, the building gave way, a beam fell 
and hilled both the new Maharajah and Udam Sing , who was 
seated on the same elephant.” — Note,p. 146. 

Note. 


“ Then, tell me,man,why you 
think so?”— Chap. 12, p. 163. 


“ B as, has faqeer, interrupted 
the King.”— Chap. 12, p. 165. 


“ The menial shrunk at the 
retort, and still more at the 
glance of his master, who was 
not, he saw, in a mood to be 
trifled with, he therefore an¬ 
swered respectfully, “ the ladies 
are honourably tended, Rajah 
ji.” — Chap. 12, p. 172. 

“GolabSingis the elder bro¬ 
ther, and in the family pact he 
has charge of their conquered 
territories in the hills; while 
he manages those of Dhyan 
Sing, he yearly adds to his 
own by conquest, or by the 
terror of his name. He has 
overrun the whole district betv 


Runjeet Sing, in familiar con¬ 
versation, used the word bii, or 
brother, and never admee or 
man. 

Note. 

Runjeet Sing in speaking to 
the faqeer, always addressed 
him faqeer saheb, or faqeer jee. 

Note. 

No menial would presume to 
address the Rajah, Rajah ji; he 
would say, Maharajh, or Rajah 
Saheb. 


Note. 

Sudan is the name of their 
cast, not of their country ; the 
Sudan race were a tribe of Sud 
Bramins, the Sattis were Seths 
or Chetrees, who were compel¬ 
led to embrace the Mahometan 
religion a little before, and dur¬ 
ing, the reign of Arungzeeb. 
een Kashmir and Attockj and 


APPENDIX. 


xi 


inflicted such terrible vengeance on the people of Sudan (a large 
district south east of Mozaffarabad cutting up, maiming, flay¬ 
ing, to the amount, it is said, of 12,000 persons, that the men 
of Dundi and Satti, two adjoining territories, sent in their sub¬ 
mission, but begged not to see his face.”—Page 182. 

Note. 


“In the Punjab, intoxication 
is common, and Dhyan Sing 
himself, though not a Sikh,/re- 
quently drank hard.” — Chap. 
U,p. 186. 


Dehan Sing never tasted 
liquor known to be of an in¬ 
toxicating quality, he seemed 
to dread it; and only after very 
long marches or when sitting 


up all night would he take a manjorm made purposely for him. 

Note. 


“ The faqueer called for his 
elephant, and I mounting my 
good steed, Chanda.”— Chap. 
14 ,p. 192. 


The faqueer never did or 
would ride any animal, even a 
horse; he always used a palan¬ 
keen, forty years old, and not 
worth five rupees. 

Note. 

“ Perhaps one of the passen- The Seiks by their tenets 
gers would be a Brahmin tra- are strictly forbidden to dye 
veller, with his quiet, sly, sub- their hair, and you never see an 
dued countenance, and white old Seik with a black beard. 
beard, as strong a contrast to the overhearing air, and black 
mane of the Sings, (who mostly dye their beard, when it begins 
to grizzle.”) — Chap. 15, p. 204. 

Note. 


“One part or other of North- I have made a list of all 
em Hindustan, has been con- the ruins I have seen and 
tinually exposed to the sword, know to exist; this list enume- 
but all the invaders passed rates 3,756, and I speak only 
through the Punjaub; it has of the tract of country be- 
therefore suffered the most, tween the Indus and the Ra- 
and bears to this day in al- vee. 

most every quarter, testimony to the blighting effects of war, 
and its train of ills, pestilence and famine among them.”— Chap. 
20, p. 263. 

^ Note. 


“ A curious illustration of Goolaub Sing has only been 
this remark is, that Rajah Su- married once and had three 
chet Sing has been three times sons by his wife and two illegi- 
married, and has no children ; timate children but not one by 


APPENDIX. 


while his brothers, who have the name of Jowahir. Delian 
each been four times married, Sing’ had three sons, 
have each but two sons ; those of Dhyan Sing, being the well- 
known Hera Sing and Jowar Sing:—those of Golab Sing 
were, Udam Sing, killed by the fall of a gateway, when No 
Nihal Sing also perished, and Jowahir Sing now alive.”— Note , 
p. 275. 


From Colonel Steinbacli's Work. 

Note. 


“ Most of the towns are 
surrounded by a mud or brick 
wall of frail quality; Lahore 
itself is so defended, with the 
addition of a dry moat, which, 
on emergency , could be filled 
with water from the neigh¬ 
bouring Ravee. But, the mud 
walls would afford no protec¬ 
tion against artillery. They 
were originally constructed by 
the inhabitants.”—Page 3. 


The dry moat, or ditch of 
Lahore, could only be supplied 
with water from the Ravee, at 
considerable trouble and ex¬ 
pense, as there is no water 
course , or canal of any hind 
for that purpose; and, during- 
eight or nine months out of 
the twelve, the nearest point 
of the River is at least two, or 
two and a half miles from the 
walls of the Fort. 


The present walls as every body may see are of brick 
work ; and, were originally erected by the Emperor Alibar, 
and not by the inhabitants ; and not only the -walls of the pre¬ 
sent town, but those of the present fort, were built also by that 
Emperor. The “ moat,” “ half moon batteries” “ fausse 
brayef &c., were formed by Runjeet, and the -walls themselves 
underwent considerable repairs during* his reign, &c. &c. 

Note. 


“Umritzur, situated between 
the rivers “ Beas” and “ Ravee,” 
is of somewhat larger extent 
than Lahore, and from having 
been the capital , when Run¬ 
jeet Sing exercised dominion 
over the Punjaub, is now a 
place of great commercial im¬ 
portance.”— Page 4. 


Umritsir was never consi¬ 
dered the capital. However,, 
in comparing the two cities, 
Lahore may be considered the 
seat of Government and mili¬ 
tary depot, and the original 
capital of the country; but of 
late years, or since the acces¬ 
sion to power of Runjeet, and 


consequently Hindu supremacy, Umritsir has not only rival¬ 
led it, but far surpassed it, in every other respect, so that at 
present, Umritsir may be called the “ Mart” and “Trading 
Capital” of the Punjaub; its wealth, commerce, &c. now far 



APPENDIX. 


xiii 


exceeding* those of Lahore ;—in fact, every commodity sold at 
Lahore comes from Umritsir. Thus Umritsir may, in a com¬ 
mercial point of view, be considered the wholesale, and Lahore, 
the retail shop of the Punjaub. 

Note. 

u General Avitabile , an Eu- General Avitabile is not 
ropean officer, lately in the supposed to have ever spent 
service of the Sikh Govern- any but the state money, in 
ment, who spent much of his erecting buildings, or improv- 
accumulated wealth indecorat- ing the locality of any place, 
ing and improving the locality even his own residence ;—Ge- 
of his residence”—Page 5. nerals Allard and Ventura, 
though they received some large sums from Runjeet to enable 
them to build up and decorate their residence of Anarhullee, 
still they did, it is believed, spend some of their own private 
money , on the completion of that object. 

Note. 

u The upper part of the The upper part of the river 
Jeylum runs through the vale Jeelum cannot be said to run 
of Kashmir, which is likewise through the Vale of Cash- 
watered by several broad and mere ; as the most northern 
beautiful Lakes, one of which stream and main source of 
is twenty miles in length, and the Jeelum, rises in the holy 
nine in width .”—Page 6. tank, or holy precincts of the 

shrine of Mutter, beyond the high range of the Thibet moun¬ 
tains, that run north of Cashmere. It is the second or lesser 
and southern stream, which may be put down as but a tributary 
stream, that rises in the Peer Punjaub range, about S. E. of 
Cashmere, and runs through the valley, and joins the main 
stream a little below Mozufturabad. 

Note. 


u It was with some difficulty 
that the Rajah Dhyan Sing 
(Runjeet’s minister,) under 
strong excitement, was pre¬ 
vented from throwing himself 
into the fames. Considera¬ 
ble doubt has been thrown over 
the sincerity of this intended 
act of self devotion; but the 
general opinion was, that he 
fully intended it, from the ap¬ 
parent absence of any mQtive 
for hypocrisy.”—Page 19. 


Very few in the Punjaub, 
if any, who were acquainted 
with the character of Rajah 
Delian Sing, ever doubted the 
hypocrisy of this act, and it 
was indeed far from being 
the general opinion, that he 
fully intended to burn himself 
with the body of Runjeet. 
His motive for playing this 
farce, was any thing but mis¬ 
understood, by all those who 
hnew him. 


XIV 


APPENDIX. 


Note. 


“ About this time the son of Rajah Dehan Sing wrote to 
Kurruck Sing, the Prince No Rajah Goolaub Sing his bro- 
Nehal Sing, returned to Lahore ther, then at Peshawur, giving 
from Peshawur.”— Page 21. him a daily and full account 
of how matters stood at Lahore, and requesting of him to reach 
Lahore with the young Prince quickly, whom the elder brother 
had well tutored, and made ready to become his tool, even be¬ 
fore they had arrived at Lahore. 

Note. 


“ Public report, indeed, accus¬ 
ed, Kurruck Sing of scandalous 
improprieties , with his favou¬ 
rite Cheyt Sing.”— Page 22. 


Those public reports were 
all groundless , and only got 
up, and spread by the Dogra 
Faction . 

Note. 


u The elephant on which 
No Nehal Sing was seated, 
in passing through the gate of 
the palace, pushed against the 
brick work , when the whole 
came down, killing the Rajah 
Dhyan Sing’s nephew, who 
was seated upon the same ele¬ 
phant, upon the spot, and frac¬ 
turing the skull of No Nehal 
Sing so dreadfully , that he 
never spoke afterwards , and 
expired in a few hours. The 
incident is generally supposed, 
to have been premeditated, 
and not the effect of accident, 
as stated by the Government; 
but the whole affair was so 


This account is nearly the 
same as that in the Punjaub 
Adventurer, which I have men¬ 
tioned as being* incorrect. Co¬ 
lonel Steinbach is right, how¬ 
ever, in stating it was the 
brick work that came down. 
When No Nehal Sing’s body 
was produced by Rajah Dehan 
Sing, his skull certainly was 
dreadfully fractured, but, it did 
not appear to me to be the 
case when he fell ; on the con¬ 
trary, I saw but little blood 
on his forehead; he struggled, 
and tried to get up, and I 
would not undertake to say he 
never spoke afterwards. 


enveloped in mystery, that even to the present day it has been 
found impossible to attach suspicion to any party, and the matter 
has now long since ceased to occupy men’s thoughts.”— Page 25. 

Note. 


“ It was at length decided, 
by the advice of Dhyan Sing, 
to offer the crown to the 
Prince Shere Sing, a twin 
son of Runjeet Sing, by his 
wife Mehtab. Considerable 


No consultation took place 
on No Nehal Sing's death; 
but when Rajah Dehan Sing 
announced it to the mother, 
Chund Kour, he promised her 
she should succeed to the 


APPENDIX. 


XV 


objection was at first offered 
by the Sikh Sirdars, upon the 
ground of his alleged illegiti¬ 
macy, Runjeet Sing never 
having fully acknowledged the 
twins as his offspring. 

The opposition, however, 
was for the time overcome, 
and a messenger dispatched 
to Shere Sing with the glad 
tidings.”— Pages 26-2 7. 

u The Prince Shere Sing, 
seeing the overthrow of his 
hopes, returned to his country 
seat; and Dhyan Sing, with¬ 
out assigning any particular 
reason, also shortly after with¬ 
drew from Lahore to his 
own possessions,—a mountain¬ 
ous country called Jummoo, 
leaving his elder brother, the 
Rajah Goolab Sing, in the 
post of Prime minister to the 
Queen Regent.”— Page 27. 


Rajli, but he had sent off a 
messenger to Sheer Sing who, 
according to previous agree¬ 
ment, soon made his appear¬ 
ance at the capital, and then 
his succession was opposed by 
the Sindiawalla and other 
Sirdars, and it was not over¬ 
come. 


Note. 

Sheer Sing and Rajah De- 
han Sing’s withdrawal from 
Lahore was a preconcerted 
measure, and even the elder 
Rajah was in the secret. It 
was Dehan Sing, and Goo- 
laub Sing’s policy to send 
Sheer Sing’ away, while their 
minions, particularly those of 
Rajah Dehan Sing, in his 
name instigated by promises of 
great reward the Sikh troops, 
to act the part they afterwards 
did, on the return of Sheer 
Sing. 

Note. 


“ In the meantime, Ajeet 
Sing’, after the committal' of 
this atrocity, directed his steps 
towards the city; but meeting 
the Rajah Dhyan Sing in his 
carriage , he dismounted and 
got into it, with the intention 
of returning together. It ap¬ 
pears that a dispute took place, 
between them, respecting the 
future form of Government, 
but which was quickly termi¬ 
nated by Ajeet Sing’s stabling 
the Rajah to the heart. He 


Ajeet Sing* did not stab 
Dehan Sing, nor was his head 
cut off; but when he was killed 
his body was thrown into the 
pit of the gun foundry. Dehan 
Sing was not in his carri¬ 
age , but on horseback, and 
Ajeet Sing’ did not cause the 
whole of Sheer Sing's family 
to be murdered; Shah Dehu, 
the infant alluded to, I suppose, 
is, still alive, though he was 
rather more than one day old. 
afterwards caused his head to be 


cut off, and sent it to his son, the Rajah Heera Sing, of whom 


XVI 


APPENDIX. 


further mention will be made. Ajeet Sing’, after having 
caused the whole of the late Maharajah's family to he murder¬ 
ed, even to an infant horn in the Zenana the day previous, 
then shut himself up with his followers in the citadel.”— Page 35. 

Note. 


“ Upon Soochet Sing’s ar- Heera Sing* did not secure 
rival at Lahore, he did not find the passage of the river , but 
himself joined by a single even sent twice to persuade 
soldier. Seeing this unexpect- his uncle to retrace his steps 
ed and desperate state of af- to the hills, 
fairs, aware also that Heerah Sing had secured the passage 
of the river and that flight was consequently impossible , he 
shut himself up with his followers in a temple, about three 
miles distant from Lahore.”— Page 37. 

Note. 


“ Heera Sing soon became 
aware of the combination 
formed against him; his first 
step was to enlist a large body 
of Hill-men , from Jummoo, as 
a guard to his personal safety.” 
—Page 39. 

“ Jowaliir Sing proceeded, 
at the head of a party of the 
Khalsa Troops, to the minis¬ 
ters house, when a conflict 
took place."—Page 40. 

“ They, (the Sikh Infantry,) 
are capable of enduring the 
fatigue of long marches for 
several days in succession, (the 
author having on one occasion 
marched with his regiment a 
distance of 300 miles within 
twelve days,) and are, generally 
speaking, so hardy, that expo¬ 
sure to oppressive heats or 
heavy rains has little effect 
upon them.”— Pages 63-64. 
on the 9th day the whole foi 


Heera Sing, at this time 
time did not enlist any hill- 
men, but, on the contrary, a 
short time before his death he 
sent away to Jesrota his hill 
troops, and they were not 
recalled. 

Note. 

Jowahir Sing did not pro¬ 
ceed with any force to attach 
Iieera Sing at his house. 

Note. 

A little before Clieyt Sing’s 
murder, I myself, started from 
Peshawar, with the Prince 
No Nehal Sing, Rajah Goo- 
laub Sing, and about 3,000 
troops, horse and foot, and 12 
guns. The Prince and the 
Rajah, with a few horsemen, 
reached Lahore on the evening 
of the fifth day, and I, with 
900 infantry reached Lahore 
on the 7th in the morning, and 
;e that left Peshawur reached 


APPENDIX. 


xvii 


Lahore. A Sikli lias often been known to travel on foot, from 
Lahore to Peshawur, in five days ; and I had a Sikh in my 
corps of artillery who repeatedly went on foot from Jummoo to 
Lahore, and I have known him bring hack dispatches in some¬ 
what less than 30 hours; the distance is 60 Punjaub coss, or 
about 90 miles from Lahore to Jummoo, which makes 180 miles 
to be travelled in 36 hours; but there are several Sikh soldiers 
who would, even for a small consideration, go 40 coss, or 60 
miles daily, for 12 or 15 days together. 

Note. 

u The one who turns King’s The King’s evidence, or 
evidence is allowed to escape murkei, is never questioned as 
with impunity, and to retain to what part of the booty he 
his share of the spoil in all cases has received himself; he only 
of stolen cattle .”—Page 73. has to shew, or point out, or 
even tell the place or spot where the property is, and then he 
receives from the owner a stipulated sum; and in case of 
cattle, &c. the thief, though he may be in possession of the 
cattle at the time, very seldom returns the same, but gives 
others in lieu of those stolen; and those he gives in this manner, 
generally turn out to he the stolen property of others. But a 
murkei is always ready and sure to go and inform the owners 
(for a certain sum) and immediately a long law suit commences 
between the parties : nor are these matters ever finished until the 
murkei has received large sums, equal to the amount of pro¬ 
perty, when, to prevent any further strife, or through fear, the 
whole of the property is returned by the thief, he having a 
previous understanding with the murkei, as to the amount of 
money raised by this kind of swindling, which generally proves 
to the sufferers far more injurious and expensive than the 
plain robbery itself. 

Note. 


“ The .day for them (the Fa- 
queers) has gone by; they 
have done their work, and are 
gathered to their fathers — 
Page 100. 


The youngest brother is 
still alive and well, and at 
present most active in all ne¬ 
gotiations of consequence, be¬ 
tween the British Authorities 
and the Lahore Durbar. 


c 



XVlll 


APPENDIX. 


Fi •om the Medical and Literary Journal for January , 1845. 

Note. 

“ Returning from tlie last This is all quite incorrect , 
ceremonies performed to the as may he seen by the note 
remains of his father, he was on the same statement in the 
seated on an elephant with Punjaub Adventurer.— (Edi- 
Oodum Sing, the son of Rajah tor.) 

Golab Sing of Jummoo, and as the animal was passing through 
one of the gateways the beam supporting it fell , and the two 
youths were killed on the spot .”—Page 212. 

Note. 

“ Not only was Sheer Sing The said infant, Shah Deliu, 
murdered, but his son, the is still alive. Duleep Sing was 
young Pertaub Sing, and ano- never taken to Jummoo , and 
tlier heir , an infant. The when he was sent to Umritsir, 
only person now left to sue- his mother did not accom- 
ceed to the throne of Lahore, pany him. She is not a Cash- 
was a boy named Dhuleep meeree. 

Sing, the reputed son of Runjeet, and who had been concealed 
along with his mother , a Kashmeree by birth , at Jummoo , under 
the protection of Golab Sing.”—Page 213. 

Note. 

“ AtRoopur, in 1831, a trea- If this is the case we w r ere 
ty of firm alliance was made bound to have supported the 
between Runjeet Sing and the Government of Chund Koor. 
late Governor-General, Lord — (Editor.) 

William Bentinck. By this the two Governments pledged their 
mutual assistance to each other against all enemies.”—Page 215. 


From the Calcutta ^Review for August, 1844. 

Note. 


“ Uttur Sing, the eldest sur¬ 
viving brother, was consider¬ 
ed a respectable man and one 
well versed in politics. He 
was a remnant of Runjeet 
Sing’s school and, as such, 
drew around him the genuine 
Khalsa, and those who held 
the memory of the great Ma¬ 
harajah in reverence. But 


Uttur Sing was the second 
son of Ameer Sing, and Bhood 
Sing was the third , and had 
not Uttur Sing taken refuge 
in the Company’s Territory, he 
-would of course have been put 
in prison with his brother Lena 
Sing, and as he never would 
have acted the part, that Sirdar 
did, he would have remained in 



APPENDIX. 


XIX 


while Uttur Sing’ shewed, as a confinement. He was a slight, 
soldier, much of the spirit of thin , mean-looking* man, with a 
his elder brother, Boodh Singh, grey beard, and marked with 
he wanted the political hold- the small pox. — (Editor.) 
ness requisite for a Punjaub Leader and Reformer; he wanted 
also tact, and never was worse advised than when he took 
refuge within the Sutlej , and gave his enemies the oppor¬ 
tunity of placarding him as sold to the Feringhees. In person 
Uttur Sing was middle sized , of stout build , and of plain 
unmarked countenance—Page 495. 

Note. 


“ A writer in Blackwood’s The Fakeer certainly was 
Magazine includes the Fakeer at least aware that some revo- 
Azeezoodeen among the con - lution was about to take place, 
spirators against Sheer Singh ; as he wrote to his son, Cherag- 
but he had no concern in the oo-deen, the Vakeel at Feroz- 
atrocity. The Fakeer was an pore, telling him as much.— 
able, and honest, hut, at the (Editor.) 
same time a timid Councillor of Runjeet Singh.”— Page 496. 

Note. 


“We have stated that the 
Scindawallas had been favour¬ 
ably received at Lahore by all 
parties. The Maharajah doubt¬ 
less hoping that his benevo¬ 
lences would gain their hearts, 
and the Rajahs hoping to make 
tools of them against the Ma¬ 
harajah. Sheer Singh was 
naturally open-hearted and 
indolent. He was content to 


Uttur Sing never went to 
Lahore, and never would ac¬ 
knowledge Sheer Sing. Ajeet 
Sing’ went, as I have stated 
elsewhere, on purpose to put 
Sheer Sing to death.— (Edi¬ 
tor.) 

Note. 

Dulleep Sing never was 
taken to Jummoo. 


be monarch and to leave the reins of Government with the 
Rajahs, if they gave him his will in the patronage and promo¬ 
tion of his favorites, and did not otherwise molest him or dis¬ 
turb him in his fiddling and hunting pursuits. But he soon 
began to find himself watched; to perceive the fate that sys¬ 
tematically befel his friends and proteges, and at last he heard 
that Dulleep Singh, a child of eight or nine years of age, 
recognized by Runjeet Sing* as his son, though in full knowledge 
of his not being* so, was at Jummoo. His fears awakened, 
he made various efforts to throw off the yoke. For a time 
Dhyan Sing, affecting disgust, would retire from the court, 


XX 


APPENDIX. 


and after one of these absences he brought Dulleep Sing with 
him to Lahore.”— Page 498. 

Note. 


“ How long an alliance had 
been formed by the Rajahs 
with the Scindawallas is un¬ 
certain; but, from the cautious 
tactics of the former, it is sup¬ 
posed that having ingratiated 
themselves with Lena Sing 
and Ajeet Sing , they sudden¬ 
ly hinted , with every appear- 
of friendly sincerity , 
She 


The very reverse appears 
to have been the case; and 
Ajeet Sing, upon this occasion, 
it would seem, was even too 
deep for the wily minister. 
The writer has also fallen into 
the common error that all 
Sheer Sing’s children were 
destroyed , though only Per- 
taub Sing was put to death. 


ance 

that Sheer Sing had only 
lured them to Lahore for the purpose of destroying the family at 
a blow; that, alarmed at the intelligence, they at once entered into 
the plot to cut off Sheer Sing and his children.”—Page 499. 

Note. 


“ Our Newspapers call Kash- They were styled Koonwur, 

mera and Peshora Sing, and that means Prince; and 
Princes; but, until Sheer Sing’s if they were not treated in the 
death, they were only recog- same manner as Sheer Sing, 
nized as petty Sirdars. Al- neither was Tara Sing , whom 
though Runjeet Sing had not he called his twin brother. 
objected to people calling them The Governor-General, as may 
his sons , they were never treat- be seen by the following ex- 
ed as such, in the same manner tract from his letter to the 
as Sheer Sing.”—Page 502. Court of Directors, styled Pe¬ 

shora Sing, Koonwur.— (Ed.) 

“ There seems to be very little doubt that Sirdar Chut- 
ter Singh Attareewalla did, after much hesitation, enter 
into the views of the Wuzeer Jowalih’ Singh, and cause the 
Koonwur Peshora Singh to be put to death on his way from 
Attock to Lahore.” 

Note. 


“ The Prince’s (now Mahara¬ 
jah’s) cavalcade attended by 
all the Jumboo family, except 
Golab Sing, and by all the 
Seikh Sirdars at the capital, 
had returned from performing 
the last ceremonies over the 


This is the fourth writer who 
has given an incorrect account 
of the death of Nao Nihal 
Sing; he is correct however in 
stating that it was the brich 
parapet wall that fell and not 
a beam; he is also correct in 


Blioo 


d Sins,’. 


Nodli Sing'- 


Oottam Sing. 


Genealogical Table of .Runjeet Sing's Family , the Majcetccas, and l 


Goolaub Sing 
Majeeteea, the first 
of the family who embraced 
the Seik religion. 


Bii Bara 
died 1079. 


Budda 

who on becoming a Seik 
took the name of 
Bhood Sing, 

commonly called Deesoo, 
died 1716. 


e Sindiawallas. 


Jy Sing 
Gnnneea. 


Ameer Sing. 
Gujerawalla. 


daughter 


-Nodli Sing- 
died 1752. 


These three ruled 
at Lahore. 


Goorbuksli 

Sing. 


daughter 


Gujput Sing 
of Jeend. 


Churut Sing, Dhul Sing. Chyte Sing. Bii Mungo Sing- 
died 1774. 


Chunder Sing 
Sindiawalla. 


Deedur Sing. 


t -i 

Gujur Sing Lena Soba 

of Gujerat. Sing Sing ^ S ing. 

Kuloo. Ivunma. 


f daughter: 


Deesa Sing. daughter: 


:Maha Sing 
died 1792. 


Suhuj Sing, 


daughter: 


:Runjeet Sing" 
died 1839. 


Khujah Sing Nukee. 

Hakee Kuth Sing- 
brother of Jy Sing Gunneea. 


-Salieb Sing. Chyte | 

Sing. Molmr 


Meean 


Sing. 


Sing.* 


I I I § I 

Lena Gujur Runjoor Sheer Sin 


Sing. 


Sing. 


Sing. 


Tara Sing. Ivurrua 


^daughter. 


Nehal Sing 
Attareewalla. 


Jymul 

Sing. 


Jymul Sine 


v Sing.; 


daughter. 


Chindur Sing. 


Sham Sing. 


Pertaub Sing Devee Sing. Shah Deliu Sing. No Nehal Sin: 


Utter 

Sing. 


Bhood 

Sing. 


Bessawan 

Sing. 


Lena 
Sing. 


Kere Sing. 


Sliumsheer Sing. 


Ajeet Sing. Runjoor Sing. 


daughter. 


Kliam Sing. 


I 

Thakoor 

Sing. 


Pertaub 
Sin 


§ The names of Sheer Sing and Tara Sing, though not the sons of either Runjeet or Mehtab Kour have been inserted here, 
as the former succeeded to the Rajh.— (Ebitok.) 


only 


Thakoor Sing. 

* It will be observed Mr. Masson’s statement is correct that there were four Seik chiefs ruling at Lanore ; true Mr. fai.-.p 
■ f mentions three, Meean Sing being, I suppose, considered as a cypker.-tUDiTOR.; 


• a: 











































































Genealogical Table of the Jummoo Family 


Drupee Delm 
Rajali of Jummoo. 


Runjoet Deliu. 


Kowsa Delm. 


Suroop Sing. 


Bijerei Deliu. 


Sefreen Deliu. 


t Dilele Sing. Boisuar Deliu. 


Jy Sing. Lena Sing. 
Last Rajali of Jummoo. 


Zuroor 
Sing. 


Kussoura 
Sing. 


Meean 

Motee. 


Boop 

Sing. 


elia: 


Meean Laub Goolaub Delian 
Sing. 


Sing. 


Sing. 


Suchet 

Sing. 


Oottam 

Sing. 


Sone 

Sing. 


Runbeer 

Sing. 


Eteebar 

Sing. 


Jummoo 

Sing. 


Heera Juwaliir 
Sing. 


Sing. 


Julia 

Sing. 


Bujer 

Deliu. 


, I 

Motee 

Sing. 


























appendix. 


XXI 


body of Khuruck Sing, when, stating- that Delian Sing- would 
as the elephant on which Nao not allow any hut his own par- 
Nihal sat , attended by Meean ty to see the Prince ; he is 
Oodum Sing-, the son of Ra- correct, too, in stating-, that 
jail Golab Sing-, was passing Sheer Sing was immediately 
under the gateway of the La- sent for.— (Editor.) 
hore citadel, the hrich parapet wall fell and crushed both the 
Maharajah and his companion. Oodum Sing was killed on the 
spot, and Nao Nihal Sing was carried insensible into the 
palace , and never spoke again. The wily minister affected 
that the young sovereign had only received a slight injury, 
and would soon recover, but for twenty-four hours prevented all 
hut his own partisans from seeing him. Rajah Dliyan Sing 
at once despatched a trusty messenger with a true account 
of occurrences to Rajah Golab Sing, sending to the father 
the bloody garments of his son and heir, to enable the 
widows of the latter to perform Suttee. At the same time 
another messenger was sent to Sheer Sing , at Bettala, about 
seventy miles from Lahore, telling him that if he would he 
ruler of the Punjauh , he must reach Lahore within twenty- 
four hours.”—Calcutta Peview 7 No. 2, p. 481-82. 

Note. 


u In Chund Kour’s intrigues 
the name of the British Go¬ 
vernment was much used; and 
it was currently believed that 
the Punjaub was sold by her 
and the Sindawallas, and six 
annas in the rupee offered to 
the English; probably such 
was the case, but the offer only 


I dont see how it can be 
said that Chund Kour intri¬ 
gued because she sent her Va¬ 
keel with proposals to the Bri¬ 
tish Government; but she cer¬ 
tainly injured her cause with 
the Sikhs , and so did the Scin- 
dawallas who supported her.— 
( Editor.) 


injured their cause with their own countrymen , and does not 
seem to have mended it with the British, whose authorities 
summarily stopped the recruiting.”— Page 490. 

Note. 


“ On Sheer Sing’s accession, Here the word intrigue is 
the Sindawallas fled; but Lena again made use o£ but we are 
Sing* being apprehended, was not told how the Scindawallas 
thrown into irons , and kept in intrigued, or who they intri- 
close confinement. Uttur Sing gued with .—(Editor.) 
and Ajeet Sing intrigued on the British border, and alarmed 
the Durbar.”— Page 495. 


XXII 


APPENDIX. 


THE PRODUCTIONS OF THE PUNJAUB, AND OF THOSE HILL 
STATES, &c. DEPENDANT ON IT. 

(m) is put for Medicinal as used in the Punjaub. 


Native Appellations. 


Reshum, m . 

Busma . 

Hoffeem, Narcotic, m .... 
Kaisir, Carminative, m .. 
Auclrek, Stimulant and) 
Carminative, m .j 

Hurdell, Astringent, m .... 

Kutk, Astringent, &c. m .. 

Maindee, ditto ditto, m .. 

Mejeett, ditto ditto, m .... 

Kosumba Seed, m . 

Kuppah. 

Konuck, 3 sorts. 

Jow. 

Mekei. 

Bogera . 

Cliola. 

Musser .. 

Mung. 

Singara, Bread made \ 

from it.) 

Truniba, ditto ditto. 

Istik Pecba, m . 

Benufsha, m . 

Kau Zeebbaum, m . 

Jeer a, m . 

Koul doda. 

Ecrote. 

Tangee . 

Sew, 4 sorts . 

Noc, 5 sorts . 

Angour .. •'. 

Goth e Boogoo. 

Glasse . 

Aloocha . 

Aumul tliask, m . 

Aula, m . 

Bebera, m . 

Hareere, m . 

Kour, bitter, m . 

Mol Kungenee, m . 

Jeeree, bitter, m . 

Baang, m . 


English Names. v 


Silk, Tonic . 

Indigo Plant. 

Opium and Seed 
Saffron .. 

Ginger. 

Turmeric . 


Henna . 

Madder . 

Safflower . 

Cotton and Plant.... 

Wheat, 3 kinds. 

Oats. 

Indian Wheat . 


Gram 

Ditto 

Ditto 


Purgative, good. 

Violet—Laxative, good 

Carminative. 

Ditto .. 

Sedative. 

Wallnuts . 

Hazell Nutt . 

Apples. 

Pears . 

Grapes . 

Large Pear. 


Cassia fistularies, 
Purgative and 

Laxative. 

Tonic.. 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 


Ditto .. 

Henbane, N arcotic 
Soporific. 


Places where Produced. 


Cashmeer. 

Throughout the whole 
Punj aub. 

Ditto ditto. 

Cashmeer & the Hills, &c. 
Ditto and in different 
parts of the Hills. 
Throughout the whole 
Hills, Low range. 
Caslmieer and high Kus- 
sall, &c. 

Punjaub in general. 
Kolatchee & Dera Ismul 
Khan. 

Punjaub in general, &c. 
Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto & the Hills, &c. 
Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Cashmeer and the Hills. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Hills in general. 

Ditto and Cashmeer, &c. 
Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto Cashmeer. 
Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto and the Pun 
jaub, &c. &c. 

Hills in general. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto and Punjaub. 
Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 




















































































APPENDIX. 


XX111 


I 


Native Appellations. 

English Names. 

Places where Produced. 

Datura, m . 

Buttling. 

Simloo . 

Akeree. 

Chereitha, m . 

Emlook. 

Aunieer, in . 

Datura, Narcotic .... 

Sweet Pear. 

Fruit . 

Ditto . 

J Worm seed Plants) 

\ bitter Tonic .. } 

Fruit . 

Ditto . 

Hills & Punjaub. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Hills in general. 

Ditto ditto and Punjaub. 
Ditto ditto. 

Anaub, m . 

Purgative ditto. 

Kokko. 

Dberuneb . 

Mokeree. 

Cliinottoo . 

Thun—a yellow dye .... 

Mullett, m . 

Cliuara, vx ... 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Liquorice Boot. 

Sudorific. 

j Attock and Scinde Banks 
t of, &c. &c. 

Punjaub, &c. &c. 

Hills & Casbmeer, &c.&e. 
Punjaub in general, &c. 
Ditto ditto ditto. 

Gutahee, m .. . 

Astringent. 

Sirrno. 


Hulsee, ni . 

Linseed, Emollient .. 

Sbfitnnth. 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

Aum Seed, m . 

Mangoes, Astrmgent . 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Avon . 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Anaar, Astringent, in .... 

Pomegranite. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Bee Seed, m . 

Emollient . 

Ditto ditto and Hills. 

Nimboo, m . 

Lemons. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Nouringee, m . 

Oranges. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

TVIittn. . 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

En tin. 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

Gol Gol. 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

Chekn Devra. 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

Tberevee, in . 

Colycintb, Purgative.. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Tbnnma Boot, in . 

Purgative . 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Kela ... 

Plain tains. 

Punjaub in general, &e. 
Ditto ditto ditto. 

Epfhooja Reed, m . 

Melons .. 

Tlierbooj a ditto, vx . 

Water ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Tlifirrnb ditto, in . 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

Bfipra. ditto, in . 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

Metree ditto, in . 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

Polluck . 

Spinage . 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Tomoccoo. 

Tobacco. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Bfirfi....... 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

Souf, in . 

j Caroway Seed, Car-1 
\ m inative.j 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Jeweine, m . 

Aniseed, Carminative.. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ha all no, in . 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Kaajoor . 

Dates . 

Piropfi . 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Falsa, Astringent, ra. 

Fruit . 

Aroo . 

Ditto . 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Cbumba. 

Flower. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Bebele. 

Ditto . 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Motbee . 

Ditto . 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Gulaub, m . 

Bose, red, 3 kinds.... 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Kulfa, in . 

Cooling, sedative .... 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Chnraall . 


Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Dock, Astringent, m . 

Wild Grape, &c. 













































































































XXIV 


APPENDIX. 


Native Appcllations. 


Zoe Seed, Emetic, m . 

Piaze . 

Tliome, Stimulant, rn .... 

Buthony. 

Dunnia, Carminative, m .. 
Gol Viree, m . 

Kuddoo Seed, m . 

Tinda.. 

Choul.. 

Jewar. 

Mah, m . 

Mung, m . 

Thill, vi . 

Muddull. 

Cheena . 

Kungenee . 

Swank. 

K odera .. 

K unmade . 

Tlioria . 

Bede Musk, m . 

Gool Ahaassee, m. 

Saath Verg, vn . 

Gool Yergup, m . 

Maalthee . 

Gungeloo Seed, m . 

Moolee Seed, m . 

Gaajer. 

Arebee. 

Suker Ivundee . 

Bajera. 

Sunn. 

Sun Kukkeree . 

Tei, Stimulant, m . 

Kow, m . 

Kulfa. 

Kasenee,. 

Kurm. 

Quaar Gundul, vi . 

Poodhena,. 

Neaz Bo, vi . 

Baboona, m . 

Lassoora. 

Pugwara. 

Kuteh Naar, m . 

Hirrind Tele, m . 

Lac Dye. 

Telia, black and white, m .. 

Nirbubsy, vi 
Tulsee, m .. 

Merooa, m .. 

Beedana, m 
Main Pull, vi 
Castooree, rn 


English Names. 


I)e obstruent. 

Onion. 

Garlic, Paralysis 


Coriander Seed 
Purgative 

Emollient 


Bice, 4 sorts 


Emollient, Nutritive.. 
Light Nutritive. 


Sugar Cane 


Willow, Sedative &) 
Carminative.... ) 


Turnips, Emetic .... 
Raddish,Emetic, good 

Parsnips. 

Carrots . 


Hemp. 

Flax. 

Mustard. 

Cooling, Sedative, &c. 
Astringent, Cooling .. 
Cooling, Sedative 


Aloes . 

Peppermint 

Mint . 

Camomile . 


Astringent. 

Castor Oil. 

Lac. 

Escarotic & Viru- 1 
lent Poison .... j 


Mint . 

Mint . 

Emollient .. 
Emetic, good 
( Castor. 


Places where Produced. 


Punjaub in general, &c. 
Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 


Throughout the whole 
Punj aub. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Punjaub in general. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto and Hills. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

* 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Kubett. 











































































































APPENDIX 


XXV 


Native Appellations. 

English Names. 

Places where Produced* 

Pum, Pushmeena. 


5 Ledock — Thibet — Oos- 
( koordoo. 

Kameele—Wormwood. 
Aangeer—Fig. 

Bee—Citron- 

HermuU, m ... 

Thulsee, Carminative, m .. 

Nerbissee, m . 

Lobia. 

Wild Rue Seed. 

Sweet Basil . 

Zedoary. 

Cabbage. 

Neel o Phir, m . 

Gool Kyra, m . 

Jaipull, m . 

Water-Lily. 

Lily of the Valley .... 
Nutmeg . 

Jemaall Gota, m . 

Googull, m . 

Noc Chikkun, m . . 

Croton, Cathartic .... 

Gum Bedillium. 

Euphorbium. 


TREES AND SHRUBS. 


Bore .. 

Peepull . . 

Burna .. 

Tliunn . 

Che ell.* 

Bear .j 

Purwa... 

Vun. 

Jund . 

Kereer Seed, m . 

Kikker, m . .... 

Tallee. 

Kutch N aul* .... 

Swaingena Seed, m . 

Fenn Kikker .. 

Saffedlia. 

Chunara. 

Cymbull. 

Gool Nestkur. 

Emlee, Astringent, m .... 

Aum* .. 

Jummoo. 

Bere,* Nutritive, m ...... 

Lesoora . 

Aula*.. 

Kou. 1 

Lou./ 

Pullaih . 

Beliera*. 

Hareere* . 

Kire... 

Gondee . 

Pona . 

Dreke,* m ... 

Nim,* m . 

Jaintlie . 

Birmimee . 

Ecrote* . 

Emlook . 

Pugwara* . 


Fir Dale 


Astringent 

Ditto 

Sissoo 


White Poplar 


Tamarind 

Mangoe 

Emollient 


A kind of Box Wood 


Bitter Tonic .. Hills. 

Ditto ditto. 

. Punjaub. 

. Hills. 


d 




















































































xxvi 


APPENDIX. 


Native Appellations. 

English Names. 

Places where Produced. 

Bedam, m . 

Anar,* m . 

Pull. 

Mojenoo.. 

Almonds, Emollient.. 
Pom granite . 

Punjaub. 

Ditto. 

Hills. 

Punjaub. 

Hills. 

Punjaub. 

Hills. 

Punjaub. 

Hills. 

Ditto. 

Ditto. 

Punjaub and Hills. 
Punjaub, &c. 

Hills. 

Ditto. 

Eeroo. 


Hor Singaar. 


Gool Cheen . 


Reroo. 


Kameela, m . 

Kukera . 

Gurria.. 

Seed is Purgative.... 

Sirree. 


Bere Lac . 


Ikker .. 


Gurna. 



MINERALOGICAL PRODUCTIONS. 


Coal, of 4 sorts. 

Galena, 3 kinds, &c. &c .. 

Iron, 5 kinds, &c. 

Salt-rock, 3 kinds. 

Alum, Kolabang . 

Borax, Ledok, &c. &c. 

Sulphur, Mineral, &c. 

Sulphate of Iron . 

Pyritees, Iron . 

Ditto, Copper and Iron .. 

Crystal rock .. 

Sulphate, Copper Mine -1 

ral, Gilghit. f 

Copper Mines, Ooskur- l 
doo and Gilghit./ 

Gold, sand* and natives .. 

Manganese, Black and l 

Grey Ox.J 

Antimony, Sulphuret .... 
Saltpeti’e, or Nitrate of) 
Potass fields, &c.J 

Muriate of Amonia. 

Lapis Lazuli, Gilghit .... 

Nickel Pyrites. 

Cohalt ditto . 

Mica, 3 sorts . 


Hills, n. and w.. 

Hills, in differentparts 
f Hills, the entire) 

1 north, &c.j 

Salt ranges. 

Kolabang & salt range 

Thibett .». 

Cashmeer, Kurwar) 
and salt range .. } 
Hills, n. & salt range.. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

Kustwar and Hills .. 

Thibet and Gilghit .. 


'* All the Rivers.’ 

- +Thibet,Leddoack, • 
. &c ., 

Hills, Jummoo. 

Kaagaam, Gilghit.... 

Punjaub and Bar .... 

Lahore, m. and l 
Thibet, native.. J 

Hills, n. salt range .. 

Ditto ditto ditto. 

N. Hills. 



































































APPENDIX. 


XXV11 


MANUFACTURES OF THE PUNJAUB, AND IN THE STATES 

DEPENDANT ON IT. 


Plain tanned Leather, of all sorts, &c. 
Green, Red, Black, &c., dyed Goat and 
Calf Skins. 

Choumuct or Grained Ass Leather. 
Chamois Leather, dressed, &c. &c. 
Indigo, Moultan and Jummoo, &c. 
Opium, Panjaub in general. 

Shawl and Pushmeena, &c., Panjaub 
and Cashmeer, &c. 

Chintz, Saubu and the Hills. 

Gool Buddun, or Striped Silk Stuffs. 
Derii, or Plain Silk Stuff. 

Silk, &c., Scarfs, Moultan, &c., em¬ 
broidered. 

Coarse Woollen Cloths, Kunla-Looe, 
&c. 

Camel Hair Cloth. 

Fine and Coarse Cotton Cloths. 

Glass and Glass Beads. 

Paper of different sorts. 

Fine Date and Straw Net, &c., Work. 
Vinegar, from Grapes, &c. 

Needles. 


Lahore, famous for its bow and arrows. 
Gold and silver and Tin and Zinc Wire 
Lace and Leaf. 

Damasked and plain Iron Matchlocks 
and Swords, See. Daggers, &c. 

Steel and Iron Chain Armour. 

Famous Snuff of Peshawar. 

Sulphuric, Nitric,. Muriate and Nitro 
Muriate, &c. &c. Acids. 

Muriate of Amonia. 

Saltpetre or Nitre. 

Alum. 

Potass. 

Soda. 

Ivory Work, made and dyed, of all sorts 
and colours. 

Sulphate of Copper, Lahore. 

Super Acetate of ditto ditto. 

Borax, purified, &c. 

Soap. 

Purified Wax and Yellow Candles. 
Cinnibar, Lahore. 


A LIST OF THE DIFFERENT CASTES IN THE PUNJAUB. 


h for Hindoo—m for Mahomedan , and s/cs. for Sei/c. 


Rajpoot or 1st Class. 
Soorj boonse, h. 

Chunder Bunse, h. 

Jumwall, h. 

Chumiall, h. 

Samiall, h. 

Menass, h. 

Salire, h. and in. 

Rekwall, li. 

Bow, li. and in. 

Chib, m. and h. 

Jelall, ditto ditto. 

Chundraall, ditto ditto. 
Suddun, m. 

Suttee, m. 

Dhoonde, m. 

Chittreall, m. 

Pethour, m. and h. 

Chouhan, m. and h. 

Kukka, m. 

Bomba, m. 

Goree, m. and h. 

Rungur, m. 

Thoor, m. 

Pidaall, m. 

Sukker, m. 

Naroo, in. 

Koker, m. 


Buttee, m. 

Johei, m. 

Pavaan, m. 

Ko touche, h. -31. 


4 greatFamilies,/L 


Kotlliree or Chetree , 2nd Class. 
Kunneh, 2§ Ghura,' 

Kopoor,. 

Seth,. 

Medouthere,.... 

Jagull, h. 

Clioperat, h. 

Vadoun, li. 

Lack Vurria, h. 

Saami ock, h. 

Thoolee, h. 

Thalwar, h. 

Maatlieh, h. 

Puree, h. 

Mundeh, li. 

Mundra joga, h. 

Anund, h. 

Nigereth, h. 

Chouger, li. 

Kochen, h. 

Doogull, li. 

Siothereh, h, 

Kokeh, h. 











XXV111 


APPENDIX 


Bolle wallia, h. all Hindoos. 
Bobera. 

Soe. 

Ckeddek. 

Rora. 

Baunia.-28. 

Jate, or 3rd Class. 
Bojooa, sks. 

Veeruk, sks. 

Gill, sks. 

Avan, sks. and m. few, 
Duluck, sks. 

Kukker, ditto. 

Lollee, ditto. 

Akaulee, ditto. 

Gudger, m. 

Eer, h. Itinerate. 

Hairei, m. 

Cheema, sks. 

Cbetta, m. and h. 

€hail, ditto ditto. 

Doogull, ditto ditto. 
Rathaves r ditto ditto* 

Saii, ditto ditto. 

Gondull, sks. and m. 

Ranja, m. and h. 

Seetra, sks. and m. 

Seecale, ditto ditto. 

Trigur, ditto ditto. 

Tkekeem, ditto ditto. 

Lack, ditto ditto. 

Nichun, ditto ditto. 

Mingen, ditto ditto. 

Tewanna, m. 

Jelother, ditto, 

Kotia, ditto, 

Herl, ditto. 

Curl, ditto, 

Gurai, in. 

Bungu, sks. 

Bekere, sks. 

Nangere, sks. 

Sole, sks. 

Doul, sks. 

Deu, sks. 

D&tke, sks. 

Saawull, sks. 

Ckeder, sks. 

Dulloo, m. and sks. 

D other, sks. and m. 

Jurak, ditto ditto. 

Surah, ditto ditto, 

Atkar, ditto ditto. 

Hatkar, ditto ditto*. 

Buter, ditto ditto. 

Raak, ditto. 

Maun, sks. 

Buller, sks. and m. 

Hbre, sks. 

1barer, sks. and m. 


Veraick, in. and sks, 

Lidder, m. and sks. 

Mongetk, ditto ditto. 
Hanjerak, ditto ditto*. 
Monese, m. and sks. 

Hase, ditto ditto. 

Yuttoo, ditto ditto. 

Dilloo, sks. and in. 

Mollee, ditto ditto. 

Busserak, ditto ditto. 

Vaise, sks. See. few m. 

Somret, m. and few sks . 
Sooinraak, in. mostly. 
Saatkek, in. ditto. 

Ootkerak, in. 

Vaunder, in. 

Tmset, m. 

Skopel, m. mostly. 

Sundoo, sks. and m. 

Sindoo, ditto ditto. 

Vunon, ditto ditto. 

Saungrek, ditto ditto. 

Tuddy, ditto ditto. 

Merolet, ditto ditto. 

Velanicke, sks. and few in. 
Lillek, sks. 

Kellassun, sks. and m. 
Tkauriwall, ditto ditto.-81. 


Koomeen , or 4 th Class, 
Telia, m. 

Mockee, m. 

Maackee, m, 

Maskee, m. 

Mire, h. 

Jeur, li. 

Chunger, in. 

Kk’kn*a, m. 

Perpunja, m. 

Doky, in. 

Berwala, m. 

N ii, sks. and m. * 

Doom, m. 

Bramin, h. 

Putt, h. and m. Itinerate. 
Merassee, m. 

Kunger, h. and in. 

Kaineken, ditto ditto. 

Sutt Kunger, ditto, Itinerate. 
Maitkum, m. 

Gorekund, m. 

Nutt, in. Itinerate. 

Baazygkur, h. Itinerate. 

Molla, in. and h. 

Marwaree, h. 

Kelunder, m. 

Tkurkaan, sks. and in. 

Sovar, ditto ditto. 

Mussellee, m. 

Mudjbee, sks. 

Soniar, sks. li. and in. 







APPENDIX 


XXIX 


N aria, m. 

Tatiar, h. sks. and m. 

Kummiar, m. 

Kolloll, m. and li. 

Kukkazye, m. 

Jogee, m. anti h. 

Decount, h. 

Achaijee, h. 

Koja, m. 

Gogerat, m. and partly itinerate.-41. 


Bramin Castes. 

Kolia. 

Gour. 

Gottuck. 

Ckibber. 

Tuk. 

Rickea. 

Motera. 

Achaijee.-8. 


The Four qreat classes of Mahometans. 
Seid. 


Sheik. 
Mogull. 
Pataun. 
Klioresee, 


The Lowest Class. 

Churak, partly itinerate. 
Saansee, itinerate. 
Gondehlah, ditto. 

Bouria, ditto. 

Bungee, partly ditto. 
Butwall, pai’tly ditto. 

Meg, partly ditto. 

Berkera, itinerate. 

Gogera Ckeera, ditto.-9. 

Jinsee. 

Mautkom. 

Baroopia. 

Sepaida. 

Godeela. 

Hollol Kore.-15. 


AN ESTIMATE OF THE POPULATION OF DIFFERENT CITIES IN 

THE PUNJAUB. 


3,000 Shops .... 

14.500 Families .. 

72.500 Inhabitants 

4,500 Shops .... 
12,000 Families... 
60,000 Inhabitants 


Lahore. 


Umritsir. 


2.500 
12,000 
65,000 

1,800 

9,000 

45,000 

2,000 

10,000 

55,000 

300 

1.500 

8,000 

250 

1,600 

10,000 


Shops .... 
Families .. 
Inhabitants 

Shops .... 
Families .. 
Inhabitants 

Shops ...., 
Families .. 
Inhabitants, 

Shops ...., 
Families .., 
Inhabitants, 

Shops . 

Families ... 
Inhabitants. 


| Cashmeer. 
| Moultlian. 


• Pesliawer. 
f-Ismeil Kanko Dera, 


' 

•Jummoo. 


AN ESTIMATE OF THE POPULATION OF THE DIFFERENT 
DISTRICTS AND COUNTRIES OF THE PUNJAUB. 


The whole valley of Cashmeer, including the City itself, and the] 

New Possession of Ghilghit Kukka Bomba and Kaagaan !• 550,00 O 
Mozeffrebad . J 






































XXX 


APPENDIX. 


Moultan, including the whole of the dependencies within Ko Kote—’ 
and all along the East Bank of the Indus—with the Baar and • 
Kurl Courtage, &c. &c. 


750,000 


Pesliawer, including all its dependencies across the Indus, with 
Eusophzye and North of the Loonda Quart, &c. &c. 

Ismeil Khan Ke Dera, including all its dependencies on the West 
of the Indus, Dera Gazee Khan Bunnoo—Kolabauz Tank— 
Kolatchee, &c., 


600,000 

450,000 


Junnnoo, including the whole and entire northern range of Hill' 
Country, from the Setledge to the Indus—with Lehdock and its 
dependencies and Doskoordso, &c. and Little Thibet—Jeskard. - 
But excepting Chauba and all other independent states, as also 
Cashmeer and its dependencies ., 


1 , 100,000 


Lahore, including all the Tract of Country, &c. and districts not before \ 

mentioned, but including Umritsur and the Manju Country—! i nno 000 
and all other dependencies except the Dooab, and the former j ’ ’ 

Protected Sikh States on the East Bank of the Setledge, &c. &c.J 


Total Inhabitants of the Punjaub at present 


53,50,000 


LIST OF SIRDARS AND CHIEFS. 


The following is a list of the Sirdars and Chiefs, who have been killed since the 

death of Runjeet Sing. 

1. Chete Sing, murdered by Dehan Sing. 

2. Maharajah Kurruck Sing, poisoned by ditto. 

3. Maharajah Nonihal Sing, made away with by ditto, but in what way 

not known. 

4. Omeer Sing, (Alloowallah,) drowned by Maharajah Sheer Sing. 

5. Chund Kour, wife of Kurruck Sing, and mother of Nonihal Sing, stoned 

to death by order of Sheer Sing. 

6. Mahtab Sing, (Kootooa,) killed by Rajah Dehan Sing. 

7. Juwallah Sing, (Jeur,) ditto ditto. 

8. Maharajah Sheer Sing, shot by Ajeet Sing, (Scindiawallah.) 

9. Sirdar Bliood Sing, (Jeur,) killed by Ajeet Sing’s people. 

10. Pertaub Sing, eldest son of Sheer Sing, killed by Lena Sing, (Scindia¬ 

wallah.) 

11. Dehan Sing, shot by one of Ajeet Sing’s sowars. 

12. Lena Sing, (Scindiawallah,) killed in fight with Heera Sing. 

13. Ajeet Sing, killed in fight with Heera Sing. 

14. Beldam Sing, killed by order of Heera Sing. 

15. Bely Ram Misser, killed by order of Heera Sing. 

16. Miser Ram Kissen, his brother, ditto. 

17. Bhaiee Gurmuck Sing, killed by order of Heera Sing. 

18. Rajah Suchet Sing, killed by order of Heera Sing. 

19. Kesera Sing, killed by order of Heera Sing. 

20. Dewan Blieem Sing, killed by order of Heera Sing. 

21. „ Baba Beer Sing, killed in fight with Heera Sing’s Troops. 

22. Caslimera Sing, killed in fight with Heera Sing’s Troops. 

23. Utter Sing, (Scindiawallah,) killed in fight with Heera Sing’s Troops. 

24. GeneraLGoolaub Sing, shot by Utter Sing, (Scindiawallah.) 

, 25. Rajah Heera Sing, killed in fight with the Khalsa Troops. 

26. Pundit Julia, ditto ditto. 

27. Meean Laub Sing, ditto ditto. 

28. Meean Sone Sing, ditto ditto. 

29. N ikka Dewan Chund, ditto ditto. 

30. Futty Sing, (Maun,) killed by Goolaub Sing’s people. 











appendix. 


xxxi 


Bl. Ruthonoo Cliouderee, and Visier to Ileera Sing, killed by Goolaub Sing’s 
people. 

32. Dewan Gunputt, ditto ditto. 

33. Prince Peskora Sing, ditto ditto 
31. Jowabir Sing, ditto ditto. 

35. Baba Ruttone Sing, ditto ditto. 

36. Bii Cketlia Sing, ditto ditto. 


Chiefs and Sirdars that have died natural deaths since the death of JRunjeet Sing. 

1. Jemadar Kooseeall Sing. 

2. Jewan Sing, (Mookul.) 

3. Colonel Donkal Sing. 

4. Ameer Sing, (Maun.)—Leg broke by accident. 

5. Faqueer Sliali Ooddeen, (son of Uzezoodden.) 

6. Gen. Ram Sing, (son of Kooseal Sing.) 

7. Faqueer Azez Ooddeen. 


Sirdars and Chiefs killed in the late actions with the British. 

1. Ckutter Sing, (Kkollawallak,) at Ferozeskali. 

2. Gunda Sing, (Koonjea,) ditto. 

3. Goolaub Sing, (Kapta,) ditto. 

4. Skam Sing, (Attareewallak,) at Sobraon. 

5. Kiskan Sing, (son of Kooseeall Sing,) ditto. 

6. Mavor Sing Majeeteea, ditto. 

7. General Maka Khan, ditto. 

8. Colonel Imaum Shah, ditto. 

9. Mungloo (brother of Mungola,) ditto. 

10. Heera Sing, (Topee,) ditto. 

11. Hookiun Sing (Mulwaye,) ditto. 

12. Dewan Ramdetka, ditto. 


List of Chiefs and Sirdars at present living at Lahore. 

1. Rajah Lall Sing, a Brahmin, who lias risen from the rank of Muleeteer 
to he Minister of State. 

2. Sirdar Teja Sing, (commonly called Tej Sing,) Commander-in-Ckief. 

3. Dewan Deenanauth, a clever, cool-headed man. 

4. Utter Sing, Kliolawallak, (brother of Ckutter Sing, killed at Ferozeskali,) 
cold in manner, and timid, but well meaning. 

5. Chutter Sing, Attareewallak, (cousin of Sliam Sing, Attareewallak,) and 
father of Sheer Sing, Governor of Peskawer.) He is crafty, designing, and 
intriguing. 

6. Kaer Sing, Scindiawallak, (son of Utter Sing, deceased.) He is a good, 
well meaning young man. 

7. Skumskeer Sing, Scindiawallah, (son of the famous Bkood Sing, deceased, 
and cousin of the above:)—a man of more talent and more tact than any of his 
family. 

8. Buggut Ram, one who has enriched himself and family by bribes. 

9. Bii Ram Sing, seemingly a cunning, quiet, harmless person. 

10. Dewan Jawahir Mull, a man of no character whatsoever. 

11. Dewan Huckeem Ra, a deep, unprincipled intriguer. 






XXX11 


APPENDIX. 


ABSTRACT, 

SHOWING THE DISPOSITION OF THE SIKH ARMY, 1ST JULY, 1844. 


STATION. 

Infantry. 

Cavalry. 


Artillery. 


r 

Men. 

Guns. 

Swivels 

Lahore. 

16,820 

14,675 

2,475 

238 

395 

On furlough . 

Mitha Towana, (Dera Ismael 

19,600 

5,300 

560 

50 

50 

Khan) . 

2,500 

1,500 

20 

• 4 

.... 

Jummoo Hills. 

8,000 

2,750 . 

600 

50 

300 

Poonch Hills. 

500 

• • • • 




Bhimbur Hills . 

500 

• • • • 




Nowshelira Hills. 

1,500 

• • • • 

40 

io 


Reeasee Hills. 

3,000 

• • • • 

100 

22 


Ludakh . 

2,000 

• • • • 

40 

10 


Syed Ghur, (foot of hills). 

2,000 

500 

30 

10 


Pind Dadun Khan, (on Jhelum) 

500 

• • • • 

• • • • 

• • • • 


Ramnugger Hills. 

2,000 

• • • • 

30 

8 


Samba Hills. 

3,000 

400 

60 

8 

25 

.Tesrota Hills . 

5,000 

500 

60 

8 


•Jalundhur Doab, Beas and Sutlej 

1,000 

200 

40 

4 


Cashmeer. 

Muzzufferabad, (near to Cash- 

2,300 

400 

100 

14 


meer). 

500 

• • • • 

• • • • 

• ■ • • 


Hussoora, (N. W. of Cashmeer) 

500 

• • • • 

• • • • 



Ghilghit. 

1,000 

• • • • 

20 

4 


Shahdura, (Lahore) . 

100 

100 

• • • • 

• • • • 


Attok. 

• • • • 

100 




Hussun Ubdal, (near Attok) ... 

• • • • 

900 

60 

• • • • 

50 

Pesliawer. 

Yoosufzaees, (N. E. of Pesh- 

5,700 

400 

140 

14 


awer). 

400 

100 

60 

0 


Huzara, (E. of Attok). 

3,100 

• • • • 

80 

8 


Tank, (Dera Ismael Khan) .... 

1,500 

400 

30 


25 

Mooltan . 

Kote Mithun, (Junction of Indus 

3,500 

500 

235 

40 

70 

and Sutlej) . 

500 

• • • • 




Rojhan, (near Sukkur). 

500 

• « • • 




Syedwallali, \ nearDeraGhazee I 

• • • • 

250 




Sunghur, f Khan. f 

400 

250 




Intlie neighbourhood of Mooltan 

1,500 

500 




Koonjah, (neai' Vuzeerabad). 

200 

300 

20 

4 


Kohat, (Pesliawer) . 

600 

500 

45 

4 

25 

Dooaba, (near Pesliawer). 

500 

300 

25 

2 

15 

Hushtnuggur, (Pesliawer) .... 

600 

400 

40 

8 

15 

In the Kangra Hills. 

5,000 





Suraj, (Kooloo Hills) . 

1,000 





Mujetliea, (Umritsir). 

• • • • 

400 

is 

2 


Teelook Natli, (Hills). 

With Sirdar Lena Sing Mujee- 

200 

.... 

.... 


.... 

thee a.... 

200 

100 




Adeena Nuggur, (Hills) . 

200 

• • • • 




Kussoor, (opposite Ferozepore) 

200 

• • • • 

60 

8 


Azaree, (near Umritsir). 

200 

100 

10 

2 


Kupoorthulla, (near the Beas) 

2,000 

1,300 

120 

12 


Sultanpore, (ditto). 

200 


45 

2 

25 

On the Ferries of the Sutlej.... 

500 

800 

.... 




(Signed) J. D. Cunningham, 
Assist.-Agent, Governor-General, N. W. Frontier. 









































































APPENDIX. 


XXX11L 


THE BOUNDARY OF THE PUNJAUB IN 1815. 

On the North-west to the village and small fort of Ookole, 
about twelve miles N. of Boolooshere, and about twenty-live 
miles of N. W. of Gilghit, two years ago taken and governed 
by the Suba of Cashmeer. Thence N. E. towards Chaolooa, 
a small fort to the north boundary of Bultheestan, and but 
twelve miles south of the Khara Koorum range; thence 
E. S. E. to Peeka the N. boundary of Koofaloon; thence 
E. towards Taupuphaun N. of Nobra or Loobraun or Lubra • 
thence S. E. towards the Thoongleeng pass, N. E. of Juskaur; 
thence to Pautoo, N. E. boundary of Chumba; thence along 
the N. boundary of Kooloo, which forms the N. E. angle; 
thence winding down S. towards Sooketlie, a little to the 
S. or S. E. of which the river forms the boundary; thence 
following the whole line of the river S. and S. W. to Mitten ko 
Kote, or Nawan, which forms the S. extremity; thence turning 
upwards N. W. towards Hadjeghur or the Rowant pass; thence 
N. along the east but of the Soolymaun range towards Sailpe 
or Sungur; thence along the E. base of the visier range to 
Serveur Ghur, fifteen or sixteen miles W. of Taunk ; thence 
again N. towards Dhelass Khan ko Ghurree, the W. boundary 
of Bunnoo; thence N. to Thelumber, a fort on the N. boundary 
of Bunnoo; thence again S. E. back to Kharabaug, a fort on 
the W. bank of the Indus; thence N. along the E. bank to 
Neelaub ko Putthon, or (improperly) Putton; thence to Zaareth 
or Kooma, twelve miles W. of the Attock fort; thence W. 
towards Koopaut; thence N. towards Futtyghur, a fort at or 
near the Khyber Pass; thence to Mitchenee, and thence to 
Loonquoor, and thence E. along the base of the Eusophzye 
range to Maa Bunn and Der or Dherbund; thence it may be 
said to run northward along the E. bank of the range to Sooghoor, 
or where it may join the Ghilghit district. 


e 



XXXIV 


APPENDIX. 


A LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL SIRDARS AND CHIEFS IN THE 
PUNJAUB, CLASSED ACCORDING TO THE PARTY THEY WERE 
SUPPOSED TO SIDE WITH AFTER THE DEATH OF SIIERE 
SING. 


Dulleep Sing, on the Guddee. 

Rajah Heera Sing, Minister. 

( The Chumba Rajah, Chumba. 

Ditto Seeba ditto, Seeba. 

Ditto Patankote ditto, Patankote. 

* Sirdar Nilial Sing, Alloowaila, Kopoorthella. 

* Ditto Kishen Sing, Kooshall Sing’s son, Lahore. 

+ Ditto Teja Sing, Governor of Pesliawer. 

* Ditto Futty Sing Maun, Peshawer. 

* Ditto Lena Sing Majeeteea, at present absent, Benares. 

Ditto Ruugore Sing, ditto, younger brother, Hills. 

Ditto Sham Sing, Attareewalla, Kussoor. 

Ditto Shumshere Sing, Scindawalla, Peshawer. 

Ditto Utter Sing, Kollewalla, Umritsir. 

Bela Sing, Nekei, Lahore. 

Gunda Sing, Bustlienee, Ramnuggur or Russool, ditto. 

Gooroo Sadoo Sing, Katliarpooria. 

All the rest of the Gooroos, Babas, &c. &c. 

Gunda Sing, Molwalii. 

Utter Sing, Nerena, or Kolloowallah. 

Jewar Sing, uncle to the Malta Rajah. 

Lol Sing, Treasurer or Thoshokonia. 

Faqueer Azoozoo Deen, invalided, Lahore., 

Ditto Nooroo Deen his younger brother, Lahore. 

Nehal Sing, Visier to the late Rajah Suchet Sing. 

Bii Ram Sing, on a mission to Jummoo. 

Mungull Sing, brother in-law to No Nehal Sing. 

Boor Sing, Shere Sing’s Muck tear and Kordar, &c. 

Eeseraa Sing, Mucktear of Rajah Suchet Sing. 

Sown Mull, Governor of Moultan, if alive. 

The Sons and family of ditto. 

All or most of the Generals and other officers of the Army. 
f Rajah Goolaub Sing. 

Meean Jewar Sing, brother to Rajah Heera Sing. 

Ditto Sone Sing, present eldest son of Rajah Goolab Sing, Jumboo. 

Ditto Peenoo or Runbeer Sing, younger do.—Samba and Ramnugger. 
v Ditto Etoowa illegitimate son of do.—Putwar. 

Ditto Laub Sing and son—Lahore and Jumboo. 

Ditto Urbcla Sing, Guzerat Chinaub. 

Ditto Jewar Sing—Ra Kesree Sing’s son. 

Rajah Haree Mula Xlian, Rajouree. 

Ex llajah Deaall Sing, Chimnee. 

Ex Do. Fyzull Daod Khan, Rentass and Doomieia. 

Do. Do. ( Shaw Velly Khan Guckker of Greek descent. 

-j Futty Alii Khan ditto, Perwalla and Konoutty. 

(Ali Gouh Khan ditto, Godera and Rowel Pindee. 
are descendents of the original Princes of the entire Putwarr, 
Dlionnee and Gebe countries, and as far North as Mozeffrabad. Rajah 
Hodee, Rajah Sir Cop, and Rajah Laliow, &c. &c. &c. were all Gukkers, &c. 
&c. on the Indus. 

Ex Rajah Fyzull Shaw, Dliunnee. 

Do. Do. Mamood Khan, Gebee. 

Do. Do. Secunder Khan, Mokudd. 

Do. Do. Sultan Zubber Dost, Mozeffrabad. 

Do. Do. Ali Mamoud, Gool Teree. 


C5 

K 

r-H 

o 

w 

ci 

rH 

o> 

'CO 

o 


* Do. Do. 

* Do. Do. 
These three 





APPENDIX. 


XXXV 


* Ex Rajah Slier Razz, Poonah. 

* Do. Do. Ameer Khan, Soorumthee. 

* Do. Do. Shams Khan, Perl and Sudan. 

* Do. Do. other numerous Mahomedan Rajahs. 

* Amed Shaw ex King of little Thibet or Butheestan, a prisoner or Hostage, 

Custwar, or dead. 

* Nawoor Seen, son of the late Rajah of Ledock, Jumboo, or Custwar. 

Ex Rajah Murthezar Khan, Kuddy Kuddi Aly. 

Shaik Goolam INIia deen, Governor of Cashmeer, and family, son, &c. 

Chettur Sing, Attareewalla. 


Jewar Sing Kolollwalla. 
Chunda Sing, Chowvindia. 




Dewan Deena Naut. 
Do. Jewar Mull. 


* This mark points out those persons that (should they dare) would be the 
acknowledged and rancorous enemies of both Rajah Heera Sing, and Itajah Goolaub 
Sing, and all their Family. These may be called the Anti-Dogra Faction. 

t Those marked thus are supposed from wisdom, fear or other reasons to appear 
as much as possible neutral in all respects, but were always in fact found to be the 
very people that have done and continue to do more injury than any other—as they 
are never on one side but always sure to be trifling and deeply intriguing on 
both sides of every matter and question. They are always and in reality un¬ 
connected with any party, but in fact at the bottom instigating in both or every 
party.—It may be said that they are even unconnected among themselves, arid 
each, to forward his own private ends, would sacrifice his nearest of kin ; and, it 
is remarkable, that those very people always, at least to the present moment, 
contrived and so managed their policy, that while they bcnelitted themselves 
during all the disturbances, well feathered their nests—still not one of them ever 
has been a sufferer in any of the disturbances. 

Should any fair or proper opportunity offer—there would be three acknowledged 
Parties or Factions. 

/ The Seik, impolitic and careless. 

I The Dogra or Hill Rajpoot, the richest, 

Each avowed enemies to the other, viz. < fewest, but most politic. 

I The Mahomedan, the most numerous, 
\ but poorest. 


THE NUMERICAL FORCE OF THE STANDING ARMY OF THE 

PUNJAUR, IN 1815.] 


Battalioiis. 

8 at Peshawer, relieved every two years. 

2 at Hazara, ditto ditto. 

2 at Cashmeer, stationary. 

2 at Moulton, ditto. 

20 gone on operations against Rajah Goolaub Sing. 
16 at present at the seat of Government. 


600 strong each. 


30,000 Total regulars belonging to the state. 


Sirdars, Batlalions. 


Battalions. 

2 Meean Jewar Sing, Nowslieira. 

8 Rajah Goolaub Sing, Jummoo. 

6 Rajah Heera Sing, including two of the late minister. 
2 Rajah Sucliet Sing, Samba. 

2 Ra Kesree Sing, Samba. 

1 Meean Laub Sing. 




fl 

ci 


& 

<5 

d 

- r-< 

<U 

ns 

cs 


oo 


CD 
CD 
t? k" 
to ce 

o & 



21 all Dogra or Hill men. 


J 












XXXVI 


APPENDIX. 


2 Lena Sing Majeeteea, Lahore. 
2 Alloo Alleea, Kapoo Thella. 


25 

600 each. 


15,000 Total. 


15,000 add to this the above. 
30,000 


45,000 Total regular infantry of the Punjaub. 


8 Regiments. 
500 each. 


4,000 Total, Regulars. 


Regular Horse. 


Irregular Horse or Gorechers. 

4000 Cliariaree Dcra. 

3000 Mothee Ram ko Dera. 

2000 Wooda Gorechars. 

2000 Orderly ko dera. 


11000 To these Camps may be added 

11000 more, including all Stragglers, Missuldaurs and Jageeerdaurs. 


22,000 Total Irregular Cavalry. 


In all Horse and Foot 67,000, with 276 pieces of Ordnance, 163 of which 
are Horse Artillery. 


The entire armed population of the country at present does not exceed 
1,50,000, of all casts and religions, &c. &c. &c. It could not produce more, 
this is the highest average or estimation. j 


OFFICERS WHO HAVE BEEN OR ARE IN THE SEIK SERVICE. 


Alvarine. 

Gordon. 

Ventura .., 

Allard _ 

Court . 

Avitabile ... 
Hommus ... 

Vochen. 

Honigberger 
Dottenwise . 

II ai l an. 

De l’Ust.... 
Holmes .... 

Dubignon.. 

Hest. 

Hureleek .., 
McPherson . 
Gardner ... 


Italian. 

Infantry.. 

Anglo-Indian. 

Cavalry .. 

1 talian. 

Infantry.. 

French .... 

Cavalry .. 

Ditto . 

Artillery.. 

Italian. 

Infantry.. 

Spaniard.... 

Ditto .... 

Russian .... 

Ditto .... 

German .... 

Medical.. 

Ditto . 

Engineer 

American .. 

Civil .... 

French .... 

Infantry.. 

Anglo-Indian 

Ditto .... 

French .... 

Ditto .... 

Greek . 

Ditto .... 

Ditto . 

Ditto .... 

English .... 

Ditto .... 

American.... 

Artillery., 


Died at Lahore. 

Ditto. 

Left. 

Died at Peshawur. 

Left. 

Ditto. 

Died at Lahore. 

Left. 

Still in the service. 

Left. 

Left. 

Left. 

Still in the Service. 

At present a Merchant at 
Lahore. 

Killed at Lahore. 

Left. 

Ditto. 

Ditto. 


These computations were made in April and May, 1845. 






















































APPENDIX. 


XXXV11 


Kunarah . 

,. American.... 

Artillery.... 

Still in the Service. 

Cortlandt. 

,. Anglo-Indian. 

Infantry.... 

Ditto. 

Fitzroy. 

. Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Left. 

Barlow. 

,. Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto. 

Mouton. 

.. French .... 

Cavalry .... 

Ditto. 

Steinbach. 

.. German .... 

Infantry.... j 

f At present in Golab Sing’s 
[ Service. 

De la Roche. 

.. French .... 

Ditto . 

( Killed by a fall from his 
\ horse. 

De la Font, 1st. .. 

.. Ditto . 

Ditto. 

Left the Service. 

De la Font, 2nd... 

.. Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto. 

Foulkes. 

.. English .... 

C avalry .... 

Killed by the Seiks. 

Iiurbon . 

.. Spaniard .... 

Engineers.. 

Left the Service. 

Leslie .. 

,. Anglo-Indian. 

Infantry.... 

Ditto ditto. 

Martindale . 

,. Ditto . 

Ditto. 

Ditto. 

Ford. 

.. English .... 

Ditto .• 

[Died by wounds, &c. re- 
( ceived from the Sikhs. 

De Faskeye . 


Cavalry .... 

Died at Lahore. 

Ditto, Son. 

.. Ditto . 

Ditto. 

Left the Service. 

Dr. Harvey. 


Medical.... 

Ditto. 

Jervais. 

.. French. 

Infantry.... 

Ditto. 

IVToervimis . 

.. Prussian .... 

Ditto. 

Ditto. 

Bianchi. 

.. Italian. 

Ditto . 

Ditto. 

Argou. 


Ditto. 

Ditto. 


AMOUNT OF REVENUE OR MONEY PAID INTO THE TREASURY, 

FOR 1844. 


Lacks. 

36 from Moultan. 

12§ clo. Caskmeer. 

2£ do. Dooab. 

9 Nuseerabad. 

15 Ban’ and Lena Mundee. 

7 Moukera. 

1 Bunnoo. 

1 Lena Sing, for the Hill Provinces. 

11 Tazes and Tolls, &c. 

22 from different other small districts, &c. &c. &c. 

116£ Total in Lacks, received. 

5 Hoffroee, or Toxeer are made. 

121| Total.* 

Total expense of all the troops at the present rate of 11| rupees to each 
Infantry man, and 30 per mensem to all horse, including all officer’s pay, 


commissariat, and other expenses. 

30,000 Infantry .Rs. 6,422,000 

15,000 Horse ; the remainder being Jageerdaurs. 5,400,000 

Artillery, total expense, cattle, &c. &c. 1,000,000 


12,822,000 


Or about 128 lacks. 


* The entire or total revenue of all the territories, &c>, within the boundary 
line mentioned, including all Jageerdars, Grants of Lands, Theumurts or Benefices, 
&c. &c. would amount, if properly governed or managed, to upwards of four crores 
of rupees, or about four millions of English money, # 





















































XXXV111 


APFENDIX. 


PRODUCTS AND MANUFACTURES. 


A List of the products and manufactures, especially the Ilills north of the 
Punjaub, Cashmere, Ledock, Doskoordoo, Bulthistan, or Little Thibett, Gil- 
gliitt, Bho than, &c. &c.—which might be made to constitute part of the com¬ 
merce between those parts and the surrounding countries, or between nor¬ 
thern Asia in general and Lower Scinde, Kurratchee, or Bombay—by means 
of the River Indus and its tributary streams, or rivers Cheenaub, Ghc- 
lum, &c. &c. 


Agate. 

Alabaster. 

Almonds. 

Aloes. 

Aniseed. 

Arsenic. 

Asphaltum. 

Apples. 

Aumulthrape. 

Alum—Putkeree, Ivholabarry—2§-3. 
Bamboo. 

Barilla, Barr, Sedjee—1-1^. 

Bears’ Skins, Grease, Hams, &c. 
Beaver. 

Beryl. 

Black Lead, or Plumbago. 

Booe Wood. 

Beherah. 

Benuffita, Borax or Borete of Soda. 

Cantharides. 

Caraway Seed. 

Casia. 

Castor Oil. 

Catechu Gum and Wood—Kuth. 
Chamois Skins, Leather, &c. 

Civet. 

Cork-wood. 

Copper—from the mine in the Hills. 
Coral—Russian, Siberian and Chinese. 
Coriander Seeds. 

Cotton—*raw and manufactured.—*5- 
6-7-8. 

Crystal—Rock. 

Camel Hair—raw and manufactured. 
Coal—Mineral, of various sorts. 
Charcoal—Cobal tore—Cheruss—Car- 
thamus. 10-12. 

Deals—in Tlanks or Logs of different 
sorts—5-6 per Beam. 

Dragon’s Blood. 

Diamonds found in the Mundee Dis¬ 
trict. 

Ebony-wood. 

Emery. 

Ermine. 

Figs. 


Flax—l-l|-2. 

Fuller’s Earth. 

Furs of various sorts. 

Fustic—Okell Beer. 

Galls. 

Garnett. 

Gentian. 

Ginger 

Gold—Dust, and Ingots, &c. 

Grapes. 

Guiacum—8-10. 

Gum, Glue—Grain of various sorts. 
Gypsum. 

Glioots—Galena, Argentiferous, &c. &e. 
&c. 

Horses—Honey—4-5-6. 

Hemp—2-2§-3—Thread 2|-3—mauml. 
Hareere. 

Herbs—medicinal and dyes of various 
sorts. 

Horns of various kinds and animals— 
1-5 koree. 

Indian Wheat—Maize, &c. &c. 

Indigo. 

Ipecacuanha. 

Iron—3-4-5-0. 

J alap. 

J asper. 

Jet. 

Kei or Sulpate of Iron-crude, &c. ^-1 
—Kholabaug. 

Kuth or Ruth—Catechus wood—Ivus- 
sumba. 

Lac. 

Lapis Lazuli. 

Lemons. 

Lignum vitae. 

Limes. 

Loadstone. 

Logwood. 

Leather of various sorts—Bussee—8- 
10-12 koree. 

Lead, from the mines. 

Madder 2|-3-4—Bumioo, Taunk 3|-3. 




APPENDIX. 


XXXIX 


Magnetic Iron-ore, &o. of different 
kinds. Pyrites, &c. 

Maliogony, Indian. 

Maize. 

Manganese, Black and grey Oxides 
from the mines. 

Marble, of various sorts and colours. 
Molasses—2-2|-3—Doaba—Umritsir. 
Mica. 

Musk. 

Mules. 

Naphtha. 

Natron. 

N itre—1 Rupee—M am—N ekali—B ara 
—Skeerali. 

Onyx. 

Opium. 

Oranges. 

Orpiment. 

Ottar of Roses. 

Oulah. 

•Okellbeer. 

Papyrus. 

Pearl Ash. 

Potass, Carbonate. 

Petroleum. 

Pitch—4-5. 

Platina. 

Plantain, Gum seed, Fruit. 

Pine-apple seed, wood, &c. 

Plumbago. 

Pomegranite—rind, seed, fruit. 
Porphyry, of various soi*ts and colours, 
&c. &c. 

Peskum—Raw and manufactured of 
various kinds. 

Pyrites—Iron and Copper, &c. &c. 
Paper—Cashmeer and Tartary, &c. &c. 

Quassia—Indian. 

Raisins. 

Resins of various sorts. 


Rice—Bara, scented, &c. Sec., 3-4 to 

7. 

Rock Salt—§-l. 

Rose Wood. 

Sable. 

Saleld—root, &c. 

S affron—Kaisie—9-10-11-12 — S ago — 
Hill. 

Sal Ammoniac. 

Saltpetre—2-2§-3 Skurali 
Sandal Wood. 

Sardonyx 
Sarsaparilla Root. 

Shagreen—Indian. 

Silk, * raw and manufactured * 9-10— 
Bokara 2-4-6. 

Silver—from mines Sc Chinese Crooses. 
Sugar—Cond 4-5-6. 

Sulphur—4-6. 

Sissoo or Seesum Wood. 

Skins—raw, &c. &c. Hides of various 
sorts—6-7-8—Barr Koree DJierup 
seeds of various sorts. 

Tar. 

Tea—Brick, Kekei, &c.—1-2-4. 

Tin—from the mines. 

Timber of various sorts and species. 
Tobacco—2-2| maund. 

Treacle. 

Topaz. 

Tripoli. 

Turmeric. 

Turpentine—3-4 maund—Hills—Bro- 
za. 

Turquoise—from the N. mines. 
Yabboo. 

Wool—raw and manufactured of 

various sorts, &c. &c. 

Wax, 15-20. 

Weld. 

Zinc. 




xl 


APPENDIX 


ARTICLES PROCURABLE IN THE PUNJAB AT THE STATED 
PRICES, PUKKA RUPEES PER MAUND. 


Alum—Putteree Kliolabaugli—2-2§-3. 

B axilla— S edj ee—B arr—•§-1-1^. 

Borax—Swaga—8-10-12—Hills. 

Catechu Wood Keith. 

Cotton—Reo—Dooaba Malwa—5-6-8. 

Deals—in Logs—5-6-7 each, or 12 to 20 each large Tree. 
Flax, Raw—l-l§-2. 

Fustic—Okell Beer. 

Ghee—Slirese—7-8-10—L ahore, &c. 

Honey—3-4-6—Saith Hills. 

Hemp, Raw—l-l§-2. 

Horn, Sing—Dherup, &c.—1-5 Koree or 100. 

Iron—3-4-5. 

Kei, Sulphate of Iron §1—Kholabarry. 

Leather, Tanned, Chum—-7-9-12 Koree. 

Madder—Megeetli—Bunnoo, &c.—2|-3-4. 

Manganese Ore—Ingenee—2-4—Hills, Mines, &c. 
Molasses—Goord, Dooabe, &c.—2-2|-3. 

Nitre Sharah—§1-1^—Barr. 

Rice—2§-4-6. 

Rock Salt—Nimock-f-1—Ko Pint—DadenKha. 

Saflron—Kaissir—8-10-12—Cashmeer. 

Silk, Raw, Rephem—8-9-10 seer, Hindostan 2-4 seer. 
Tobacco—1§-2-2§. 

Tea—2-3-4 seer—Cashmeer. 

Turmeric. 

Wool Raw 2—2§-3 -Oon —Barr. 

Wax—Moom—Hills-10-12-15. 


Gold Dust—Bultliistan and along the Upper Banks of the Indus—can be 
procured sometimes even in large quantities at from 9, 10, 12 and 14 Caslimee- 
ree Rupees the Tholah—These Rupees are but about 9 or 9^ annas each. 


appendix. 


a viii 


From Prinseps Life of Runjeet Singh, (omitted in the 
proper place.) 


Note. 

“ He was content, therefore, At present there were dis- 
to accept a promise of the re- tricts under the name of Au- 
venue of the four districts, rungabad. Runjeet did away as 
Pursuvon, Goojrat, Seal kote much as possible with all the 
and Aurangabad.”— C. \,page Mahometan names of districts, 
10. towns and even villages. Thus 

Russoolnugger, on the south bank of the Cheenaub, was ordered 
by him to be named Ramnugger, in default of which many fines 
and punishments have been awarded. 

Note. 


“ Early in the morning, 
therefore, of the 12th April, 
1752, this army moved from 
its lines and took up ground on 
an elevated spot marked by an 
old brick kiln. They prepared 
immediately for action.”— C. 1, 
page 12. 

the villa ore of Mamood Butee. 


There was no brick kiln near 
the scene of this action. As 
the engagement was fought on 
a fine open plain, just on the 
high road between the present 
small village of Gunja and 
Lahore, and about 5 miles E. 
N. E. of the latter, and E. of 
On the field of battle some 
tombs may be seen at the present day of some of the principle 
chiefs and leaders that fell on both sides. Among them is Kaor- 
na Mull’s tomb, he having been interred on the very spot where 
he fell and died. 

Note. 


“ The family boasts of no an- Sooker Chuk is not a village 
tiquity, the first of whom any in the Manjha district. It is 
traditionary recollection is pre- in the vicinity of Guzerawalla, 
served, was a petty zemindar and about 13 or 14 miles E. of 
named Deesoo, a Jath of the the Cheenaub from Wesiera- 
Sansee tribe, who resided in a bad. 

village of the Manjha district called Sookur Chuk.”— C. 2, 
page 22. 

Note. 

“ The Ghunneya Missel The Ghunneya Missul did 
headed by Jy Singh, a Jath of not take its name from the vil- 
Ghunnee, which lies also east lage of Ghunnee, but from the 
of Lahore.”— C. %,page 29. name of the original or ac¬ 
knowledged head of that Family and Missul, whose name was 
plain Khunia at first, but taking ‘the Paahul, changed it into 
Khunia Singh. He is said to be the grandfather of Jy Singh, 


viii b 


APPENDIX. 


and remarkable for the boldness of his exploits as a marauder. 
Thus in early life he acquired sufficient riches and power to ena¬ 
ble him to establish and become the head of a Missul. 

Note. 


u If dissatisfied with his This practice has been the 
Chief a Misuldar might trans- main and principle cause of 
fer himself with his possessions the dilapidation of the strong 
to another, under whose pro- and united Sikh Missul esta- 
tection or countenance he blishment or system, the fall 
might prefer to continue.”— or breaking up of which was 
C. 2, page 635. chiefly brought about by the 

Missuldary and individual members, always in late years seek¬ 
ing to serve and join those they considered the strongest, most 
active, bold, and ready to assist and protect them and their in¬ 
terests, or screen and shelter them from the punishment due on 
account of their numerous and outrageous acts. Thus Cherut 
Sing, and his son Mali Sing, by their great boasting; large pro¬ 
mises added to a quick, ready, active, bold and unflinching depre¬ 
dating system, found means to swell their ranks and increase 
their own power and interest at the 'expense of their brother 
chiefs; thus by a wily policy, erecting a strong fabric of their 
own on the fallen and falling ruins, and with the very mate¬ 
rials of their unsuspecting friends and neighbours. 

Note. 


11 The two armies lay en¬ 
camped on opposite sides of the 
Busuntee, and in a particular 
skirmish between the Sikh 
auxiliaries, Churut Singh was 
killed by the bursting of his 
own matchlock.”— C. 3, paqe 
30. 1 J 


Churut Singh was not killed 
on the banks of the Bussun- 
ther, which is some 12 or 14 
miles E. or S. E. of Jummoo, 
but close to a place called 
Thilloo Kan Thalan, about 1J 
or 2 miles S. W. of Jummoo. 


u Dewan Lukoo was dis¬ 
patched on an Expedition to 
Kitas, where he was slain, &c. 
<fcc.”— C. 3, page 49. 


Note. 

Not to Kitass, which is W. of 
the Ghelum and in the Salt 
range, and at that period not 
in the possession of the Suker- 


chuk Family. But to Kodrabad on the W. Bank of the 
Cheenaub. 

Note. 


“ Runjeet Singh returned to Bhao and Chibh are two 
his capital and detached Moh- different tribes, and are spread 


APPENDIX. 


c viii 


kum Chund Dewan to enforce over a large tract of the lower 
the collection of tribute, and to ranges. They are equally 
complete arrangements in the strong and powerful. Then- 
Hills, where the Rajas of Bhim- famous strongholds and large 
bhur and Rajcoree and the villages of Deva and Vettala 
tribe of Chibh Bhao were re- are well known, as capable of 
fractory.”— C. 5, page 82. producing at least 10 or 12,000 
well armed and hardy mountaineers. 

Note. 

u Ram Lol returned for his Ram Lol never took the Pa- 
brother’s sake and ultimately hul or became a Sikh—or was 
received the Pahui or Sikh his name ever changed to Ram 
initiation and changed his Singh, 
name to Ram Singh.”— C. 7, page 114. 

Note. 

“ This individual was origi- The Seyd was originally at 
nally a petty officer of horse Peshawer in the service of Sir¬ 
in the service of Ameer Khan.” dar Plieer Mamood Khan as a 
— C . 9, page 145. foot soldier on a monthly salary 

of 4 or 5 rupees. 

Note, 


“ He (Runjeet Singh) holds 
besides Kashmeer and the en¬ 
tire hill country to the snowy 
range and even Ludak beyond 
the Heemelaya. For though 
many of the Rajahs of this 
tract still remain in their pos¬ 
sessions, they have been re¬ 
duced to the character of sub¬ 
jects, paying tribute equal to 
their utmost means and con¬ 
tributing men to the armies of 
Lahore whenever called upon.” 
— C. 11, page 183. 


Ludak, Iskurdoo, &c. were 
invaded and subjugated by 
Goolab Singh and the Dogra Fa¬ 
mily, without previous instruc¬ 
tion or the knowledge of Run¬ 
jeet, and when he was inform¬ 
ed by them of any thing of the 
kind,it was in a tenor and man¬ 
ner merely to serve their own 
ends. Nor did ever any part of 
the revenue of those states en¬ 
ter the Lahore Treasury. The 
country being represented to 
him as an unproductive wild 
and desert Tract. 

















* • 



. * 



































* 
























































































































/ 


INDEX. 


A. 

Akalees attack Mr. Metcalfe’s escort, 21. Plioola Sing, the Akalee Chief, 
185—192. 

Ameer Sing of Gujerawalla, 7. Joins Churut Sing in forming the Suker- 
chnckia Missal, 8. 

Arathunge Kurn, ancestor of the Jummoo Rajahs, 223-225. 

B. 

Ba.joo Sirb, supposed founder of the Raj war a dynasty, 220. 

Bara alias Bn Bara ancestor of Runjeet Sing, 3. 

Baba or Bn Beer Sing, his character and history, 113. Cashmeera Sing, 
Peshora Sing, and other malcontent chiefs join his camp, 113. Heera 
Sing, and the Pundit Jellah form and execute a plan for the destruction of 
him and his companions, 113. Details of and actors in the plot, 111—119. 
His death, 119—120. The army grieves for his death, 121. 

Beeram Dehu, ancestor of the Jummoo Rajahs, 237. Visits Delhi, 238. 

Bejerei Dehu, ancestor of the Jummoo Rajahs, 247. 

Boodh Sing, ancestor of Runjeet Sing, 4. Why called Desoo, 5. Anecdote 
of 5,—see Buddah and Desoo. 

Buddah, ancestor of Runjeet Sing, 4. Becomes a Seik and takes the name of 
Boodh Sing, 4. 

Buddhoo-ka-ava, the rendezvous of the Punches, 40. Shere Sing encamps 
there, 40. The army inarches thence to avenge the death of Shere Sing 
and Delian Sing, and to support Heera Sing, 80. The troops invite 
Peshora Sing thither, 141. 

“ Burra Choop” an ominous calm before a political storm—observed before 
the death of Heera Sing, 126. 

C. 

Cabul, its supposed origin, 227.. Its capture by Sultan Mahomed, 228. Insur¬ 
rection at 62—197. 

Cashmeera Sing, a reputed son of Runjeet Sing, 91. He and Peshora Sing 
defend themselves in Seealkote against the force sent against them at the 
instigation of Goolaub Sing, 104. Joins the camp of Baba Beer Sing, 113. 
Is killed through the plots of Heera Sing and Pundit Jellah, 119. Treat¬ 
ment of his wives and mother, 120. 

Cashmere, mutiny of the troops in, 123. Murder of Meean Sing, the Governor, 
193. The mutiny and its suppression, 193—196. Mohee-ood-deen ap¬ 
pointed Governor, 196. 

Cheyt Sing, in favour with Khurruck Sing, assassinated by the Dogras, 30. 

Chund Baun Sing, head of the Scindawahas, 5. 

Chund Kour, widow of Kurruck Sing and mother of No Nehal aspires to the 
throne on the death of her son, 37. Set aside by Dehan Sing in favour of 
Shere Sing, 37. Goolaub Sing apparently espouses her cause in opposi¬ 
tion to his brother, 37. Compelled to renounce her claims and accepts a 
jaghire of nine lakhs, 59. Shere Sing proposes to marry her, but the 
match prevented by the intrigues of Goolaub Sing, 68. Goolaub foments 
a quarrel betwixt ‘ her and Shere Sing, 69. Murdered by her slave-girls 
under the orders of Shere Sing, 69. 



INDEX. 


Churut Sing, grandfather of Runjeet Sing, 6. His first connection with the 
Jummoo Family, 9. Assists Bejerei Dehu against his father Rnnjeet 
Dehu, 9. Death of, 9. 

Chutteb Sing Attareewallah engages in the plot for the assassination of 
Peshora Sing, 145. 

D. 

Deedoo, the Rajpoot out-law, his history, 252—255. 

Dehan Sing, acquires a complete influence over Runjeet, 24. Quarrels with 
Kurruck Sing and intrigues against him, 27. Embroils him in a quarrel 
with his son No Nelial, 31. The assassination of Cheyt Sing, 30. Depo¬ 
sition of Kurruck Sing, 30. Death of Kurruck Sing, 32. Death of No 
Nehal Sing, 35. Promises to Chund Kour, the mother of No Nehal, 
and how performed, 37. Quarrels with his master Shere Sing, 70. Intri¬ 
gues with the Scindawallas for the murder of the Maharajli, 71. Proposes 
to bring forward Dulleep Sing, 72. Murdered by the Scindawallas, 77. 
Suttee of his widow and circumstances attending it, 85. His early history, 
248 —257. Created Rajah of Bheembur and Kussal,256. Obtains a com¬ 
plete ascendancy over the mind of Runjeet Sing, 257. His character, 259. 

Desoo, why Buddah, otherwise Boodh Sing, w r as so called, 5. See Buddah and 
Boodh Sing. 

Drupe Dehu, ancestor of the Jummoo Rajahs, 239. 

Dulleep, head and ancestor of the Jummoo Family emigrates from Hindoo- 
stan, 220. 

Dulleep Sing retained by Dehan Sing to be put forward as heir to the 
throne, 61. Dehan Sing proposes to place him on the throne in the room 
of Shere Sing, 72. Proclaimed by the Scindawallas, 82. His birth and 
parentage, 91. 

F. 

Futteh Khan Tewanah engages in the assassination of Peshora Sing, 145. 
His history, 213-218. 

Futteh Sing Maun sent with others against Goolaub Sing to Jummoo, 133. 
Falls a victim to the treachery of Goolaub, 134. 

Fyzolpooria Missal, its formation, 6. 

G. 

Galeb or Gauleb, alias Munnoo , ancestor of Runjeet Sing, 2. 

Gethes, a tribe of the ancient Punjaub, 222. 

Ghuznee, its supposed origin, 226. Capture of by Sultan Mahomed, 226. 

Goolaub Sing, Calcutteea, who and why so styled, 115. 

Goolaub Sing espouses the cause of Chund Kour, 37. Defends Lahore 
in her name, 42. Surrenders the city, 57. Appointed agent for the 
estates of Chund Kour, 59. Carries off treasure from Lahore, 59. 
Retires to Jummoo, 66. Quells a mutiny in Cashmere, 62. Overcomes 
Paindha Khan of Trinoul, 62. Cause of the insurrection against the 
British at Cabul, 62. In secret communication with the Affghan chiefs, 
62. Retards the progress of Wild’s brigade at Attock, 64. Attempts to 
delay the advance of General Pollock, 64. Visits Lahore, 98. Returns to 
Jummoo, 101. Induces his brother Suchet Sing to adopt one of his sons, 
102. Intrigues against Cashmeera and Peshora Sing to obtain possession 
of their property, 102. An apparent quarrel with his nephew Heera Sing, 
121. Troops sent against him but stopped on the w r ay, 122. Again 
intrigues against Peshora, Sing—his treatment of this prince, 124—Jew abu¬ 
sing sends a force against Jummoo,—Goolaub treats with its leaders, 134. 
The murder of Futteh Sing Maun and other deputies, 134. Jummoo 
invested, Goolaub again treats, 135. Makes terms with the troops and is 
placed at the head of a party among them, 137. Marches with the army 
for Lahore, 137. His arrival at the capital and reception there, 138—140 
Returns to Jummoo, 140. Certain divisions of the army invite him to 
accept the Wuzeerut, 167. Arrives at Lahore while the sirmy is on the 


INDEX. 


Sutlej, 178. His privity to the Cabul insurrection, and efforts to retard 
the advance of the British troops, 197. His Wuzeer, Zoroveroo, conquers 
various states in the north for him, and advancing into Thibet is routed 
and slain, 199—204. The Sudhun Revolt and how Goolaub suppressed 
if?—His cruelties to the insurgents and their families, 205—212. The fate 
of Shumass Khan, the insurgent chief, and his son, 211. Early history of 
Goolaub and his brothers, 248—257. Created Rajah of Jummoo, 265. 
Established at Jummoo as the ruler of the district, 257. His character, 257. 

Gujerawalla, village of, 2. Fort of founded, 8. Destroyed by the Affghans, 
9. Rebuilt, 9. 

H. 

Hakeekuth Sing, paramour of Mai Wuzeerabadia, 11. 

Heera Sing acquires influence over Runjeet, 25. His conduct on the death of 
his father and Shere Sing, 78. His address to the army on the same occa¬ 
sion, 78. Proclaimed Wuzeer to Dulleep Sing, 87. His quarrel with and con¬ 
finement by the army, 107. The terms of pacification, 107. Apparent 
quarrel with his uncle Goolaub Sing, 122. Jewahir Sing plots his destruc¬ 
tion, 127. The manner of his death, 128—131. His character, 262. 

Hurbon, Signor, employed on the fortifications at Hurree-ka-puttun, 177. 

I. 

Imam-ood-deen. Shaik, engaged in the plot against Beer Sing and his com¬ 
panions, 116 . 

Invasion of British India, first proposed by the Ranee Chunda, 167. 
Preparations and arrangements, 168. Reports raised of the hostile 
designs of the British, 168. Council held at Shalimar, 168. The results 
thereof, 169. Teja Sing elected Commander in Chief, 169. The first 
move towards the Sutlej, 171. The army crosses that river, 172. Fears to 
attack Ferozepore, 172. The approach of the British announced, 173. Ball 
Sing advances to meet them, 173. Tbe battle of Moodkee, 173. Flight 
of Lall Sing, 174. Battle of Ferozeshuhur, 175. The consternation created 
at Lahore by the defeat and flight of the army, 176. Tbe troops suspect 
the designs of the Ranee against them, 177. Report spread that Runjoor 
Sing had destroyed Loodiana, 178. Army entrenches itself at Hurree-ka- 
puttun, 177. Battle of Aliwal, 178. Goolaub Sing arrives at Lahore, 
178. Battle of Subraon, 179. Goolaub Sing deputed to meet the Governor- 
General, 179. The result of his embassy, 180. 

J. 

Jaddoo Maun Buttee, alias Jaddoo Sansee, ancestor of Runjeet Sing, 2. 

Jellah Pundit, tutor and guardian of Heera Sing 26. His conduct on the 
death of Shere Sing, and Delian Sing, 78. The army requires his dis¬ 
missal from the councils of Heera Sing, 108. Jewahir Sing plots his 
destruction, 127. His death, 131. The indignities offered to his re¬ 
mains, 131. 

Jemadar Khoosheal Sing espouses the cause of Chund Kour, 42. 

Jewahir Mull, his share in the conspiracy against Jewahir Sing, 153. Im¬ 
prisoned at the demand of the Ranee, 153. Released by her, 154. 

Jewahir Sing, the brother of Ranee Chunda, complains to the army that 
his sister and her son are kept in restraint by Heera Sing and the Pundit 
Jellah, 100. Is seized and imprisoned, 100. Released at the demand of 
the troops, 108. Intrigues for the attainment of power 125. His cause 
of quarrel with Heera Sing and Pundit Jellah—he plots their destruction, 
127. How his design was carried into execution, 128—131. Attains power 
on the death of Heera Sing, 133. Takes various places from the Dogras, 
133. Sends a force against Jummoo, 138. Is formally installed as Wuzeer, 
140. Plots the murder of Pesliora Sing, 142. Tbe troops enraged at 
the murder of Peshora Sing, vow vengeance against the Wuzeer, 146. 


i 


INDEX, 


Their proceedings against him, 147. The story of his assassination 
148—150. Suttee of liis widows and slave-girls and brutal conduct of the 
soldiery pn the occasion, 151. 

Jewalla Sing, mooktear of Sliere Sing intrigues for his master, 39. Intrigues 
against the Dogras, 66. Embroiled in a quarrel with Shere Sing, 66. 
Imprisoned in the fort of Sheikoopur and dies under the cruelty of his 
jailors, the tools of Delian Sing, 67. 

Jummoo Family, The, its genealogy and history, 229—263. Settles about 
Noorpoor, 225. This colomy is broken up, 231. Kirpal and Singram 
Dehu settle at Bhow, 232. Singram Dehu removes to the site of the 
present Jummoo, 233. Jummoo seized by Runjeet Sing, 248. Goolauboo, 
Dehanoo, and Suchetoo created Rajahs, 256. 

Jey Ram Misser paramour of Mai Wuzeerabadia, 9. 

K. 

Kauloo, ancestor of Runjeet Sing, 1. 

Keallee, village of, 2, 3, 4. 

Khaundores, supposed founders of Kandahar, 222. 

Kiddoh, ancestor of Runjeet Sing, 2. 

Kirpal Dehu, ancestor of the Jummoo Rajahs, settles at Bhow, 232. 

Kisseree Sing, (see Eae Kisseree Sing.) 

Koh-i-Noor, the large diamond, presented by Goolaub Sing to Sliere Sing, 60. 

Koohoondroo (Alexander) his wars in and retreat from the Punjab, 221—225. 
Fate of the troops left behind, 225. 

Kuddee Kuddeealee, the jaghire bestowed on Cliund Kour, 59, 68. 

Kurruck Sing, son of Runjeet, his character, 25. His treatment by Delian 
Sing;—His accession to the throne, 27. Quarrel with Dehan Sing, 27. 
Deposed and imprisoned by Dehan Sing, 30. His illness, 31. Treatment 
by his son No Nehal Sing, 31. His death, from poison, 32. 

Kussour or Kussoora Sing, father of the Jummoo Rajahs, 248. 

L. 

Lahora Sing, reputed son of Runjeet Sing, 91. 

Lahore taken by Runjeet Sing, 17. Beseiged by Shere Smg, 45;—And taken 
57. The fort besieged and stormed by the army under Heera Sing, when 
Ajeet Sing Scindawalla is slain, 85. 

Laik Misser, paramour of Mai Malwine, 13. 

Lall Sing, Rajah. In favor with the Ranee Chunda, 154. His birth and 
history, 155—160. He conspires against Heera Sing and Pundit Jellali, 
158. Ditto against Jewabir Sing, 160. Attends the Ranee to the Shalimar 
Gardens—and assumes the duties of Wuzeer, 168. Formally elected Wu- 
zeer, 169. Installed, 170. Sent a prisoner to Agra, 160. 

Lena Sing Majeeteea, co-operates with Heera Sing in the administra¬ 
tion, 98. 

Lords of the Hills, The, or the Jummoo Family, their genealogy and his¬ 
tory, 219—263. 

M. 

Maha Sing, father of Runjeet Sing, 9. Murders his mother, 11. 

Mahomed Khan, chief of Goolzeree, his ill usage by Runjeet Sing and his 
death, 23. 

Mai Malwine, the mother of Runjeet Sing, 9. Murdered by her son, 13. 

Mai Wuzeerbadia, wife of Churut Sing, 12. Murdered by her son, 12. 

Majeeteea Family, origin of, 6. 

Mal Dehu, the first Rajah of Jummoo, 234—237. 

Mathaub Sing Majeeteea, engaged in the plot against Beer Sing, &c. 114. 

Meean Laub Sing, engaged in the plot against Beer Sing, &c. 118. His 
treatment of the widows and mother of Caslnneera Sing, 120. 


INDEX. 


Meean Oottum Sing, eldest son of Goolaub Sing, his death, 35. 

Meean Sing, Governor of Cashmere, his death, 193. His death avenged, 194. 

Mehtab I\our, wife of Runjeet Sing, 13. 

Millika Sing, captures the village of Mereliawallah and joins Churut Sing, 7. 

Misser Dewan Chund, one of Runjeet’s generals, 22. 

Mouton, Monsieur, employed on the fortifications at Hurree-ka-puttun, 177. 

Mungela, “ the slave-girl,” her descent, birth, and history, 160—166. 

N. 

Nanoo Sing, otherwise Bii Nanjoo Sing, 6. 

Nazoos, a tribe of the ancient Punjaub, 222. 

Neil a, the wife of Sooruj Dehn, her heroic conduct, 229. 

Nodh Sing, ancestor of Runjeet Sing, 5. 

No Nehal Sing, embroiled by Delian Sing in a quarrel with bis father Kur* 
ruck Sing, 31. Supersedes his father, 31. His accession, 33. His mys¬ 
terious death, 35. 

P. 

Peshora Sing, a reputed son of Runjeet Sing, 91. He and Cashmeera Sing 
defend themselves in Seealkote against the force sent against them at the 
instigation of Goolaub Sing, 104. Joins the camp of Baba Beer Sing, 
113. Goolaub Sing again intrigues against him,—the connection betwixt 
them, 124. His troops to redress their own wrongs, attack and defeat 
those of Goolaub Sing at Gujerat, 125. The army declares in his favour, 
but soon deserts him, 137. On the invitation of the troops, who offer him 
their allegiance, he visits Lahore, 141. Is cordially received by the Ranee, 
141. Returns to his estate, 142. Jewahir Sing, at the instigation of 
Goolaub Sing plots for his destruction, 142 He flies to Attock and takes 
possession of the fort, 142. Chutter Sing Attareewallah and Futteh Khan, 
Tewanah sent against him on the Klialsa troops refusing to act, 143. He 
capitulates and is conducted towards Lahore, 144. Carried back to Attock 
and there put to death, 145. 

Pirtiiee Sing excites the troops to avenge the death of Peshora Sing on 
Jewahir Sing, 146. His part in the plot, 147, 148. Escapes to Jum- 
moo, 153. 

Phoola Sing, Aicalee, heads the attack on Mr. Metcalfe’s escort, 21. His 
history, exploits, and death, 185—192. The Akalees, 192. 

Pundee Buttee, village of, 1. 

Punches, the deputies of the army, their origin described, 87. 

Pundit Jellah, (see Jellah Pundit.) 

R. 

Rae Kisseree Sing, prompts Heera Sing to address the army after the mur¬ 
der of Sliere Sing and Dehan Sing, 80. Falls with Rajah Heera Sing, 
112 . 

Rajadah, ancestor of Runjeet Sing, 3. 

Ranee Chunda, the mother of Dulleep Sing, her history, 92—97. How she 
was treated by Heera Sing and Pundit Jellah, 127. Accompanies her 
brother to his fatal interview with the army, 148. Her rage and grief at 
his death, 151. Openly displays her favour for Rajah Lall Sing, 167. 
Announces to the army the necessity of invading British India, 167. Her 
design to punish the soldiery, 168. Visit to Shalimar, 168. 

Rhahauks, a tribe of the ancient Punjaub, 222. 

Runjeet Dehu, ancestor of the Juinmoo Rajahs, 239—247. Anecdote of 
him, 244. 

Runjeet Sing, his birth, 10. Murders his mother, 14. Procures the assassi¬ 
nation of Dewan Lekoo, 15. Takes Lahore, 17. Overruns the Punjaub, 
19. First collision with the British, 19. His Akalees attack Mr. Met¬ 
calfe’s escort, 20. Takes Moultan, Peshawar and Cashmere, 22. His 


INDEX. 


treatment of Mahomed Khan, chief of Goolzeree, 23. His death, 27. His 
reputed children, 91. 

S. 

Sansee, Jaddoo, or Jaddoo Maun Buttee, ancestor of Runjeet Sing, 4. 

Sansee, Rajah, village of, 1. 

Sansees, predatory bands of, 1. 

Sanseree, village of, 1. 

Scindawallas, The, side with Cliund Kour, 42. Banished for taking part 
with her against Sliere Sing, and recalled, 70. Conspire with the Delian 
Sing for the murder of Shere Sing, 71. And with Shere Sing for the 
murder of Delian Sing, 73. Ajeet Sing Scindawalla shoots Shere Sing, 
75. Lena Sing Scindawalla kills the son of Shere Sing, 70. They 
assassinate Delian Sing in the fort of Lahore, 77. Endeavour to inveigle 
Heera Sing and Suchet Sing into the fort, but fail, 77. Send troops to 
bring them, but to no purpose, 78. Proclaim Dulleep Sing, 82. Besieged 
in the fort of Lahore by the army under Heera Sing, 83. The fort 
stormed and Ajeet Sing slain, 85. Death of Lena Sing, 87. Utter Sing 
Scindawalla killed, 119. 

Shere Sing, disowned by Runjeet, 25. Set up by Delian Sing as the successor 
of No Nehal Sing, 37. Jewalla Sing, his Mooktear, intrigues with the 
troops on his behalf, 39. Encamps at Buddoo-ka-ava in the vicinity of 
Lahore, 40. Besieges Lahore, 54. Which, under the influence of Delian 
Sing, surrenders, 57. Becomes Maharajh, 00. Quarrels with Delian Sing 
his minister, 70. Delian Sing conspires with the Scindawallas for his assas¬ 
sination, 71. He engages the Scindawallas to assassinate Dehan Sing, 73 
Shot by Ajeet Sing at Shabelore, 75. His real parentage, 91. 

Sooruj Dehu, ancestor of the Jummoo Rajahs, 228. Heroic conduct of 
his wife Neila, 229. 

Suchet Sing, his quarrel with Pundit Jellali, 98. His intrigue with Ranee 
Chunda and its consequences, 99. Incurs the enmity of his nephew, Heera 
Sing, 99. Aspires to the Wuzeerut, 99. His troops turned out of the fort 
of Lahore, 101. Repairs with Goolaub Sing to Jummoo, where he adopts 
one ofGoolaub’s sons and names him as his lien-, 102. Marches to Lahore, 
109. Is slain by the troops, 111. His early history, 248—257. Created 
Rajah of Sumba, Ramnuggur, &c., 256. His character, 261. 

Suda Kour, mother-in-law of Runjeet Sing, 13. 

Sudhun Revolt, and how Goolaub Sing suppressed it, 205—212. 

Sukerchuck, village of, 2. 

Sukerchuckia Missall its origin, 8. 

Sund or Sceende, village of, 2. 

T. 

Tara Sing, a reputed son of Runjeet Sing, 91. 

Teja Sing espouses the cause of Chund Kour, 42. Appointed Commander 
in Chief, 169. His conduct during the invasion of India and in the 
camp at Hurree-ka-puttun, 130—184. 

Thuckt Mull, ancestor of Runjeet Sing, 3. 

U. 

Urj or Urgin a chief of ancient Cabul, 227. 

Z. 

Zoroveroo, Wuzeer and General under Goolaub Sing, his history, achieve¬ 
ments and death, 198—204. 

Zubburdust Khan excites disturbances in the Hazareh and other districts, 
123. 



ERRATA. 


Page 5 for “ Chund” read “ Chunder.” 

„ 6 for « 1737” „ “ 1747” 

„ 6 for “ Nanjo” „ “ Nanoo.” 

„ 10 for “ Jugputh” „ “ Gujput.” 

„ 15 for “ Koloo” „ “ Kolol.” 

„ 16 and through the Chapterfor “ Mokunooddeen” read “ Mokumdeen." 

. 19 for “ 24 miles” read “ 14 miles.” 

„ 22 for “ Chotali” „ “ Cheteh.” 

„ 22 for “ Goolzeree” „ “ Goolteree.” 

“ Bricks.” 

“ Pirmar.” 

✓ 

“ Konoowan.” 


„ 35 for “ Beams” „ 

„ 63 for “ Firmar” „ 

„ 65 for “ Konoowar” „ 

„ 71 leave out the words “ and Lena Sing.” 

„ 71 for “ at Lahore” read “ at the Durbar.” 

„ 71 for “ to his Jurgeer” read “ to Oona.” 

„ 75 leave out the word “ Brothers.” 

„ 91 for “ Widow” read “ Widows.” 

„ 118 and throughout the Chapter for “ Meean Lall Sing” read “ Meean 
Laub Sing.” 

„ 116 for “ was” read “were.” 

„ 136 leave out the word “ the.” 

Genealogical Table—for “ Bii Mungo Sing” read “ Bii Nanoo Sing.” 










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